The economic development of France▪ But the main reason for the comparative backwardness of French industry
was the structural features of the French economy, an important role in
played by usurious capital. French banks that concentrated
deposits of countless small investors, exported capital to grandiose
sizes, placing it in government and municipal loans
foreign powers, then in private and state-owned industrial enterprises and
railways abroad. By the mid-1900s, about 40 billion francs
French capital was invested in foreign loans and enterprises, and to
the beginning of the war, this figure was already equal to about 47-48 billion. Political influence
belonged in France not so much to industrialists as to banks and the stock exchange.
In terms of the export of capital, France ranked second in the world after England.
France owned a huge colonial empire, inferior in size to
only English. Territory French colonies almost twenty-one times
exceeded the territory of the metropolis, and the population of the colonies was over 55
million, i.e., approximately one and a half times larger than the population
metropolis.

▪ In France, after the collapse of the Commune, the system was finally consolidated strongly
centralized. The supreme legislative institutions of France, according to
constitutions were the chamber of deputies, formed on the basis of direct elections, and the senate,
based on two-stage election, elected from local elected institutions
- general councils. These bodies at a general meeting (congress) elected the head
state, the president of the republic. The President appoints the Cabinet of Ministers
responsible to the legislative chambers. Every law had to pass
through both the House and the Senate. The key positions of the French economy, banks, industrial associations, transport, communication with the colonies, trade were held in their hands by a powerful group of financiers. She ultimately
directed government policy. Due to the comparative "stagnation"
French economy, a significant part of the population were the so-called
the middle strata are small entrepreneurs in town and country. Slowdown
economic development of the country was reflected in the position of the working class.
Labor legislation was extremely backward. 11 hour work law
day, introduced first for women and children, was extended to men in 1900,
but the government's promise to switch to a 10-hour worker in a few years
day was not carried out. Only in 1906 was it finally installed
mandatory weekly rest. France lagged behind a number of Western European
countries also in the field of social security.

Political development of France
▪ Parliamentary elections in 1902 brought victory to the radicals (then
who already called themselves radical socialists), and a new cabinet headed by E.
Kombom decided to put the fight against clericalism at the center of political
life. IN
the policy of the radicals was affected by the inherent inconsistency of this party.
All decisive positions in the government were appointed to persons closely
associated with large entrepreneurs and financiers. Only in
issues
struggle with the influence of the church, the expansion of secular schools, etc. Comb led
myself
much more decisively than its predecessors. Anticlericalism
gave
the opportunity for radicals to maintain an alliance with the reformist wing
French
socialism, which was headed by Jaurès.

Political development of France

▪ However, the anti-clerical measures of the government caused a sharp
the resistance of the church and the pope, which forced Combe to break
diplomatic relations with the papal curia, and in the future to contribute to
parliament bill for the separation of church and state. Komba's politics
began to seem too straightforward to many entrepreneurs, and at the beginning
1905 his cabinet fell. The new cabinet, headed by Maurice Rouvier, all
but managed to achieve the adoption of a law on the separation of church and state.
The implementation of this law contributed to the democratization of education and
strengthening the secular school. The percentage of illiterates, which was at the time
The Franco-Prussian War of about 60 fell in the first decade of the 20th century. up to 2 - 3.
The labor movement in France acquired a special character. Here
trade unions or so-called syndicates made themselves
speak, as of a major social phenomenon, only at the very end of the 19th century,
somewhat later than in Germany. But French syndicalism adopted
such a political and revolutionary character as the trade unions in other
countries did not have
in other countries did not have

▪ Another feature of the social movement during
France - the one that there was not created a single workers' party, as in
Germany, but there were several parties with different programs, not
finding a common language.
At the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, associations of workers in the same industry
labor began to form "federations", and workers' unions of different
specialties
in the same city - "labor exchanges". All federations and labor exchanges
constituted the General Confederation of Labour. Very fast pace
the number of labor syndicates increased. The number of
labor exchanges, the main purpose of which was to help workers find work,
in acquiring knowledge, etc.
▪ Workers' syndicates in France have become points of resistance for workers.
Most of the numerous strikes and strikes were organized by workers
syndicate members.

▪ At the end
19th century There were four socialist parties in the country:
1) the Blanquists, who strove to establish a socialist system by
the seizure of power by the proletariat;
2) Gedists, they are also collectivists, followers of Marxism;
3) Broussists, or possibilists, who found it tactless to frighten the population
extreme requirements and recommended to be limited to the limits
possible
(whence their second name);
4) allemanists, a group that broke away from the third and saw in the elections
only an agitational means, and recognized as the main weapon of struggle
general strike.

▪ In 1901 the Guedists and Blanquists, with some small groups at the congress in
Ivry formed the "Socialist Party of France", or social revolutionary unity, and in 1902 their opponents united at a congress
in Type to the French Socialist Party. main point
contradictions between these two parties was the position on the possibility of participating in
bourgeois socialist ministry. In 1905, the zhoresists, guedists,
allemanists and "autonomists" united in one group called
"Socialist Party of the French Section of the Workers' International".
After
of its unification, the Socialist Party achieved parliamentary success.
The Congress of the Socialist Party in 1914 passed a resolution that
in case of war, the International must call for a general strike. The same
decisions were taken repeatedly by congresses of the General Confederation of Labor.

▪ However, leaders of the Socialist Party and
trade unions, not
Considering that the impending war will inevitably be
at both sides
imperialist, were unanimous in favor of
the need to "protect
fatherland" in case France is "attacked". IN
trade unions
anarcho-syndicalist leadership led by Leon
Zhuo rolled up
anti-militarist activities

culture
▪ When it comes to culture, no one can take the palm
French championships: extraordinary, amazing,
refined - these are the hallmarks of French culture. Without
doubt, only a long and rich history could lead to
the emergence of such a rich culture. It is in France
many currents of world culture were born, which had
significant impact on the course of history, the development of science, art
and literature in general. The cultural heritage of France is truly
huge. This country has been and remains for many centuries
center of world art. France can be small
country in terms of geography, but it is one of the greatest when it comes to
comes to creativity, art, philosophy, science and technology.

culture

Painting

Painting

▪ in France began to develop very early. Already in the 17th century, it occupied
leading position in cultural life countries. France gave us such
art styles like rococo (Antoine Watteau, Francois Boucher), impressionism
. For many centuries, the art of Italy has provided a significant
influence on the development of the fine arts in France. However, already in
1860s French art makes a real breakthrough, after
which France becomes the undisputed leader. This breakthrough is related to
first of all with the work of impressionist artists: Edward
Manet and Edgar Degas, Auguste Renoir, Claude Monet, Camille Pissarro,
Gustave Caillebotte and others. Post-Impressionism is known to us by creativity
major artists such as Paul Gauguin, Vincent van Gogh and Henri de
Toulouse-Lautrec. France is gradually developing new
art schools and trends in painting: pointillism (Georges
Seurat, Paul Signac), the Nabis group appears (Pierre Bonnard, Maurice Denis),
Fauvism (Henri Matisse, André Derain), Cubism (Pablo Picasso, Georges Braque).

musical culture
▪ France is no less interesting and diverse - this is due to the fact that
that the French language itself is extremely
melodic, the rhythm of the song often coincides with the rhythm of the language. In the 1920s
years, jazz comes to France, the most prominent representative
which was Stefan Grappelli. In the XX century. At the peak of popularity
turned out to be Edith Piaf, Charles Aznavour, Georges Brassens.
Folk music (folk music), piano and
accordion - these are two instruments that invariably
associated with French music. In the second half
20th century pop music begins to occupy a leading position not
only in France, but all over the world, we are well acquainted with such
performers as: Mireille Mathieu, Dalida, Joe Dassin, Patricia
Kaas, Mylene Farmer and many others.

musical culture

Literature
▪ In the 20th century, French literature (literature of modernism)
intensively develops, as well as the French language itself.
Marcel Proust, André Gide, Anatole France and Romain Rolland,
François Mauriac and Paul Claudel, Apollinaire, Cocteau, Breton,
Aragon, Camus, Ionesco and Beckett became the founders
various literary schools and currents. French writers
of our time (Christian Bobin, Amelie Nothombe, Frederic
Begbeder, Muruel Burberry, David Fonkinos, Anna Gavalda
Michel Houellebecq and others) in their own way reflect the "spirit
era" in his works. French literature
distinguished by social sharpness, humanism,
refinement and beauty of form.

Literature

Significant people

Significant people

The Lumiere Brothers
▪ The inventors of cinema and the authors of the first motion picture in
history, the Lumiere brothers were born in the city of Besancon, but in 1870
the family moved to Lyon. In Lyon, their father had a firm for
production of photographic plates, where both brothers began to work.
Louis was a physicist and Auguste was a manager. In 1892 the brothers
addicted to moving pictures. Louis with the support
brother (primarily financial) makes several important
inventions and on February 13, 1895 they patent
"cinema", and on March 19 they shoot in Lyon the first ever
humanity film.

The Lumiere Brothers

Louis Lumiere
▪ After cinematography, Louis Lumière's interest focused on
color photography. In 1903 he invents and in 1907
launches a new process for producing color
photographs - "Autochrome" (which until 1935 was
the only widely available way to create color
photo). The company they created was one of the largest in
Europe photo accessories manufacturers before the 60s 20
century.

Louis Lumiere

Significant events
▪ 1956 - Morocco and Tunisia declare independence.
July 3, 1962 - Algeria becomes independent
state.
▪ 1958 - the return of General de Gaulle to power, the Fifth
The Republic, the independence of the colonies, the rebirth of France and
European integration.
1981 - Left parties come to power. Begins
alternation of representatives of the left and right parties in power.

In the ninth century France entered a period of disunity. The Carolingians lost all influence in the country. In 987, after the death of the childless Louis V Carolingian, the Count of Paris was elected the new king by a council of nobility. Hugo Capet(hence the name of the dynasty - Capetians). His father was the most powerful feudal lord of France.

The first Capetians did not even have control over their domain (royal fief). The country was shaken by internecine wars. The understanding grew that these wars could be stopped by kings. The positions of the kings began to strengthen. In the fight against the dukes and counts, the kings supported the cities (they wanted security). The kings were then supported by priests, peasants and knights.

The greatest contribution to the unification of France was made by 4 kings: Philip II Augustus, Louis IX the Saint, Philip IV the Handsome and Louis XI.

King Philip II August(1180-1223) took advantage of the fact that the King of England, Richard the Lionheart, was busy on a crusade, started a war with England and recaptured Normandy. The king had a large landed property in France, he also created a large army.

King Louis IX Saint(1226-1270) participated in the last crusades. This did not prevent him from strengthening the French kingdom. The king began to mint common French coins and created a common French court, to which any feudal lord of France who was threatened with war could apply. Prior to the decision of the court, it was forbidden to start a war for 40 days.

King Philip IV the Handsome(1285-1314) increased the territory of the kingdom: he captured the county of Champagne. The king was constantly in need of money. He borrowed money from the Jews and drove them out of the country. He borrowed money from the Knights Templar and accused his master of having links with the devil. The leaders of the order were burned at the stake. The king began to collect taxes from church lands, which caused indignation of the pope. In order to get the support of the French, the king convened in 1302 Estates General who represented the interests of all three estates. Later, the States General became a body of representative power, which had the right to approve the introduction of new taxes.

The curse of the master of the Knights Templar came true. Shortly after the execution of the master of the Knights Templar, King Philip IV the Handsome died, and after his death his sons ruled for a short time. The Capetian dynasty came to an end (1328). The Council of Nobles chose a new king from the Valois family. At this time, Edward III, the grandson of Philip IV, was king in England. He believed that he had more rights to the French throne than the Valois. The Valois dynasty were the descendants of the brother of Philip IV the Handsome. This was the reason for the Hundred Years War (1337-1453).

The war went on with varying success. The British and their Burgundian allies took over much of France. A turning point in the course of the war was made by the French girl Jeanne d Arc, who stood at the head of the French army near Orleans and achieved his release from the power of the British. This victory inspired the French, who began to win victories. The Burgundians went over to the side of the King of France. The British left France.

After the victory in the Hundred Years War, France was on the rise. This was used by the king Louis XI who completed the unification of the country. He quarreled among his enemies: they started a war against the Duke of Burgundy, the main opponent of the unification of the country. The duke died, Burgundy was defeated. Then the king defeated his weakened enemies one by one.

The creation of a unified French kingdom accelerated the development of the country. France is a country one of the strongest states in Europe.

The political development of Spain in the VIII-XV centuries.

In the 8th century The territory of the Iberian Peninsula was conquered by the Arabs, they defeated the Visigothic kingdom and subjugated the local Christian population to their power. The Iberian Peninsula became part of the Arab Caliphate. In 750, a coup took place in the Caliphate. The Umayyads fled to the Iberian Peninsula and established their own state. In the X century. its ruler assumed the title of Caliph. So arose Caliphate of Cordoba.

The Umayyads encouraged the development of agriculture, handicrafts and trade, and built an irrigation system in arid regions. In the populous cities of the Cordoba Caliphate (500 thousand people lived in Cordoba, there were no such cities in Europe at that time), crafts and trade flourished. Cordoba University was the most famous in Europe. However, Christians who did not want to change their faith were taxed. Christians did not like this policy of the caliphs. They constantly appealed to the Pope with requests to organize crusades and liberate their land from the Arabs - Moors. The caliphate was also weakened by the rebellions of the governors who refused to obey the caliph.

Reconquista(reverse conquest) began in 718, from the moment of the Arab conquest. It became more active under Charlemagne. In the ninth century during the reconquista, the Franks relied on the only state of Christians in the north of the peninsula - Asturias. In the X century. Crusaders were able to win back from the Arabs Far North peninsulas. Asturias, León and Galicia were merged into the kingdom of León.

In the first half of the XI century. in the Caliphate of Cordoba began an internecine war, as a result of which it collapsed (1031). The crusaders took advantage of this and launched an attack on Cordoba. They managed to capture more than half of the peninsula (Toledo, Madrid). Soon an internecine war broke out between the former allies. The Basque country, together with the neighboring region of Garcia, was proclaimed the kingdom of Navarre. In 1057, after a short subjugation of Navarre, the kingdom of León seceded and united with Castile to form the kingdom of Castile. In 1076-1134, the kingdom of Navarre was united with Aragon, but then became independent again. The Margraviate of Barcelona, ​​or Catalonia, was created from the Spanish March.

Summoned by the Emir of Seville from Africa, the Almoravides, thanks to victories in 1086 and 1108, united Arab Spain. But the crusaders came to the aid of the Christians. The King of Aragon entered into a marriage union with the heiress of Castile and temporarily (until 1127) united both kingdoms, taking the title of Emperor of Spain. In 1118 he conquered Zaragoza and made it his capital. Later, the heiress of the King of Aragon married the ruler of Catalonia.

In 1147, the Almoravids, overthrown by the Almohads, turned to the Christians for help. Against the Almohads, who subjugated southern Spain, the Spanish knightly orders successfully fought, which won a victory at Las Navas de Tolosa (July 16, 1212), which was soon followed by the fall of the Almohads.

IN early XIII V. a new phase of the Reconquista began. The King of Castile conquered Cordoba, Seville and Cadiz. Muslims moved in thousands to Africa and to Granada or Murcia, but these states also had to recognize the supremacy of Castile. The Muslims who remained under Castilian rule adopted the religion and customs of the conquerors; many rich and noble Arabs, having been baptized, passed into the ranks of the Spanish aristocracy.

War broke out again between the participants of the Reconquista, as they could not peacefully divide the lands seized from the Arabs. Internecine wars also raged. Nobles, cities and rural communities managed to obtain special rights. The Cortes began to gather.

The reconquista continued into the 14th century. At the beginning of the XV century. representatives of the royal dynasty in León seized power in Castile. But here the civil strife was stopped only by Queen Isabella. In 1469, she entered into a marriage contract with King Ferdinand of Sicily. After the death of his father in 1479, he became king of Aragon. Thus was created the Spanish kingdom, which had two rulers.

Soon the final stage of the Reconquista began. In 1492, Granada surrendered after Isabella and Ferdinand promised the Muslims that the Moors would continue to live freely in Granada. But the rulers of Spain broke their promise: they decided to strengthen their power by expelling Jews and Arabs from the country. They invited the Inquisition (a special court of the church). In a single kingdom began to convene Cortes representative bodies of power. They had to approve new taxes.

Thus, another large kingdom appeared on the map of Europe.

Crisis of the 14th century

In the early 1340s. A plague pandemic broke out in Asia. From Turkey, she came to Europe. 30 million people died in 5 years. The biggest losses were in France - 8 million people. The Black Death caused serious consequences in all spheres of society. There were not enough peasant workers, so after the powerful uprisings of the peasants, the feudal lords of Western Europe agreed to the redemption of their duties by the peasants.

There were no such uprisings in Central and Eastern Europe, so serfdom was established there.

In the political sphere, there was an increase in royal power (everyone rallied around the kings in the face of the "black death"). Absolutist orders began to be established. The third period of the Middle Ages began in Europe.

1. Regrouping of political forces and the 1995 presidential elections
2. A. Juppe's plan and the rise of the social movement.
3. Early parliamentary elections in 1997 Tactics of "coexistence" with the socialist L. Jospin and the policy of "left realism".
4. Presidential Election 2002: Gaullist or Nationalist?
5. Russian-French relations in the late 1990s - early 2000s.
6. Presidency of N. Sarkozy: constitutional reform.

The purpose of the lesson is a comprehensive study of the development of France at the stage of post-industrial society.

Follow the tactics of J. Chirac's election campaign in 1995. What ensured his victory in the elections?

Critics call the political system that took shape under Chirac's rule the sixth republic. What is their position based on?

Pay attention to the democratic image of J. Chirac. How did the style of behavior of the fifth Gaullist differ from the previous ones? Did J. Chirac succeed in the late 90s. strengthen the authority of the government?

According to the tradition established in France, J. Chirac paid the main attention to the country's foreign policy. What advantages did such a position give in subsequent presidential elections?

Why do many famous French people choose to live outside the country?

Expand the essence of the Corsican problem. Is the activity of the terrorist organization National Liberation Front of Corsica (FLNC) the only one in Europe, how relevant is the problem of nationalism for modern European society?

How can you explain the rapid rise in popularity of the National Front led by Jean-Marie Le Pen in the early 2000s? What social strata does this party rely on?

What measures is the government taking to preserve the wealthy? cultural heritage French nation?

What problems exist in the left political camp of France? What are the consequences of their failure to resolve?

Determine the range of the most pressing problems that the government of J.-P. Raffarin.

What are the conditions for the socio-economic development of France participation in the EU?

Literature:

1. Arzakanyan M.Ts. Nicolas Sarkozy // Issues of History 2009 No. 11. P. 50-60.

2. Vinogradov V. Social explosion in France in 1995 and its lessons // New and recent history. 1998. No. 4. S. 54-60.

3. Delyatter Luke. France's steps towards the European future // International Politics. 1997. No. 11. S. 67.

4. Europe. XXI century. Europe and the USA before the challenge of terrorism: Sat. scientific tr. 2003. No. 1.

5. Zabolotny V.M. Modern history of European and American countries. The end of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century. M., 2004. Ch. 3.

6. Klinova M. V. The sphere of public services in the cities of France and the EU // Federalism, regional management and local self-government: Probl. - those. Sat. /INION RAN. 1999. [Issue] 5: The Modern City: Investments, Infrastructure, Services. pp. 80-105.

8. Obichkina E.O. Gaullist Tradition in Modern French Diplomacy // Modern and Contemporary History. 2004. No. 6. S. 66-78.

9. Preobrazhenskaya A. Parliamentary elections in 1997 in France // World economy and international relations. 1998. No. 1.

10. Rybakov V. French fever (to the results of the social crisis at the end of 1995) // Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. 1996. No. 6.

11. Rybakov V. One Hundred Days of Lionel Jospin // World Economy and International Relations. 1998. No. 1.

12. Sadykova L.R. The problem of the integration of North African Muslims in French society // New and Contemporary History 2011 No. 1. P. 52-59.

13. Smirnov V.P. France at the End of the 20th Century // Modern and Contemporary History. 2000.

No. 2. S. 46-48.

Topic No. 27. European integration: stages and significance.

1. The first stage of post-war Western European integration. The European Coal and Steel Community (ECSC) is the prototype of a "united Europe".

2. "Charter of Rome" in 1957 and the formation of a system of European communities.

3. "Common market" in the late 50's - early 80's. European Communities and the Beginning of the Helsinki Process.

4. Great Britain and European integration: the formation of the EFTA (1960) and relations with the Common Market. Terms of UK membership in the EEC (since 1973).

5. Political and legal aspects of the transformation of the EEC into European Union. Maastricht Treaty 1992

The purpose of the seminar is a systematic study of integration processes in Europe in the second half of the 20th - early 21st centuries.

Determine the economic, ideological and ideological prerequisites for European economic and military-political integration. What points of view on the form of the future association existed in the 50s?

1951 is considered to be the official start date for the formalization of European integration. What event is this connected with?

In May 1957, the European Economic Community (EEC or "Common Market") was created. What international organizations led the activities of the "Common Market"?

The third European community, created in the 50s. became a Eurat. What were the functions of this organization?

The first pan-European consultative political body was the European Council (1949). What organs acted in its composition? What was the significance of his activities during the Cold War?

Expand the main provisions of R. Pleven's plan and the terms of the agreement that established the European Defense Community (EDC) in 1952. Why did the attempt to create an EDC fail?

What changes occurred after the signing of the Paris Agreement in 1954 in the AP formed in 1948?

What role did transnational corporations(TNK)?

Follow the stages of work of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE). What role does the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE) play in the politics of the continent?

The official creation of an economic and monetary union in Europe is attributed to July 1, 1990, when the Single European Act came into force. What did this document provide?

Analyze in detail the stages of economic and monetary integration:

1. July 1, 1990 - December 31, 1993 - the creation of the EU;
2. January 1, 1994 - December 31, 1998 - establishment of the European Monetary Institute:
3. From January 1, 1999 - January 1, 2002 - the introduction of a single European currency (euro).

Expand the functions of the central administrative structures of the EU: the European Parliament, the European Council, the Council of Ministers, the European Commission, the European Court.

Sources:

1. Sergeev Yu.V. Recent history. Details. M., 2000. Ch. 4 At the origins of Europe's economic integration, Ch. 28. Deepening integration processes in Europe.

2. Ponomarev M.V., Smirnova S.Yu. New and recent history of Europe and America: A practical guide. Ch. 3. M., 2000. S. 225-227.

Literature.

1. Bales D. Open issues of EU expansion // Intern.Politik. 1997 No. 12. pp.46-51.

2. Glinkina G.P., Kulikova N.V. The global crisis and its features in the new EU member countries // New and Contemporary History 2010 No. 2.

3. Europe. XXI century. Europe and the USA before the challenge of terrorism: Sat. scientific tr. 2003. No. 1.

4. European integration process after World War II, institutions of the European communities (supporting methodological material) // Ponomarev M.V., Smirnova S.Yu. New and recent history of Europe and America: A practical guide. Ch. 3. M., 2000. S. 152-153.

5. European Communities under the Single European Act of 1986, the European Union under the Treaty of 1992 (reference methodological material) // Ponomarev M.V., Smirnova S.Yu. New and recent history of Europe and America: A practical guide. Ch. 3. M., 2000. S. 330-331.

6. European Union at the turn of the century. M., 2000.

7. Zabolotny V.M. Modern history of European and American countries. The end of the XX - the beginning of the XXI century. M., 2004. S. 18-24.

8. Zagorsky A.V. Helsinki process. M., 2005.

9. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America 1945-2000. ed. E.F. Yazkova M., 2003. Part 1. par. 3; Part 2. par. 4; Part 3. par. 4; Part 4. par. 2.

10. Kempe I. New neighbors of the EU: Strategy for relations with the countries of the South-East. and Vostoch. Europe after the EU enlargement // Inter. politik. 2002. No. 5. S. 36-46.

11. Kostusyak A.V. Great Britain and the "Common Market": from confrontation to rapprochement. 1957-1973 // Modern and recent history 2010 No. 4.

12. Kurnyagin I.S. Giscard d'Estaing and the history of European integration // Issues of history. 2005. No. 11. S. 151-157.

13. Miroshnichenko N. The policy of economic and social cohesion in the EU after Maastricht // Mirovaya ekonomika i mezhdunarodnye otnosheniya. 1997 No. 1. pp.108-117.

14. Trukhin B. N. Modern world and international politics. Barnaul, 1998. Ch. 4. par. 2.

15. Frankenberger K.-D. Where does Europe end? On the Political and Geographical Identity of the EU // Intern.Politik. 1998 No. 6. pp.20-28.

16. Hughes K. Is it possible to integrate the states of Central and Eastern Europe into the EU? Attitudes towards the integration of countries-candidates for accession to the European Union // Intern. Politik. 1999. No. 4. S. 58-66.

17. Shishkov Yu.V. European integration: Western model and its reflection in the eastern mirror // Development of integration processes in Europe and Russia. 1997. S.174-201.

18. Shmelev D.V. Republican People's Movement in France and Post-War European Integration // Questions of History 2009 No. 11. P. 37-49.

TO early 20th century France remained one of the most powerful countries in the world in terms of economic potential. The modernization of the French industry was intensively carried out, including the formation of new industries - aluminum, chemical, non-ferrous metals. In terms of output of heavy industry, France then occupied the second place in the world, in the production of automobiles - the first. Metallurgical production developed extremely rapidly during these years. An ever wider production use of electric energy began. France remained Europe's leader in the use of water energy. Passenger-and-freight transportation by rail transport has increased, and the total length of railways in the country has increased. Their length at the beginning of the century was already more than 50 thousand km (the Fraction ranked fourth in the world after the USA, Russia and Germany). The French merchant fleet consisted of almost one and a half thousand ships with a total tonnage of 2 million tons (the fifth largest in the world). The World Exhibition in Paris in 1900 demonstrated the high level of French scientific and technical thought.

At the same time, the growing alarming trends in the development of French economy . For the period 1870-1913. French production as a whole tripled, but in the same years world production increased fivefold. On this total indicator, France moved from second to fourth place, behind the rapidly accelerating industrial growth of the United States and Germany. France's lagging behind was not fatal. Moreover, the French economy, which did not experience such a rapid rise at the turn of the century, turned out to be less vulnerable to cyclical crises of overproduction, which acquired a global, universal character during this period. The crisis of 1900 affected mainly the development of the metallurgical industry, which had experienced a boom in previous years. By 1905, the level of production was not only restored, but also increased significantly. Moreover, it was almost entirely provided by domestic demand. Having relatively easily survived the crisis of 1907, the French economy entered on the eve of the First World War into a period of further steady growth. So, steel production in 1909-1913. increased by 54%. In these years, France took the third place in the world in the production of iron ore, and in the first place in the development of bauxite. However, these successes still did not allow France to achieve the same growth rates as its main competitors on the world stage.

The main reason for the relative slowdown in France's economic development was the structural specifics of the French economy. A significant place in the sectoral structure of French industry was occupied by the production of consumer goods. Jewelry, perfumes, shoes, furniture, textiles remained the most preferred exports. Only on the eve of the First World War, embarking on the path militarization of the economy, France has achieved significant success in increasing the production of engineering, shipbuilding, and the construction industry. But at the same time, more than 80% of machine tools were still imported from abroad.

The process of concentration industrial production in France led to the formation at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. powerful monopoly associations - the metallurgical syndicate Comite des Forges, the sugar and kerosene cartels, the Schneider Creusot military concern, the Renault and Peugeot automobile trusts, and the Saint-Gobain chemical concern. Nevertheless, small industry as a whole prevailed - in 1900, 94% of all enterprises had from 1 to 10 employees. As before, the non-capitalist sector also maintained a significant scale. According to the 1906 census, out of 2.3 million enterprises, only 76.9 thousand were capitalist, of which only 9 thousand were industrial-type enterprises, while the rest were manufactories.

Despite the overall growth in industrial production, at the beginning of the 20th century. in agriculture in France employed more than 40% of the population. The agricultural sector was going through a protracted crisis that began in the 80s of the XIX century. The parcel nature of peasant landownership prevented the formation of cost-effective, profitable farms. In 1908, 38% of peasant families owned land plots of less than 1 hectare. Small farms did not give the peasants the opportunity to concentrate investment funds sufficient for the technical modernization of production. The cost of production turned out to be too high (for example, French wheat cost 20 times more than American). The low profitability of agricultural production has led to a reduction in the area of ​​vineyards and grain crops. The growth of animal husbandry, fruit and vegetable production could not compensate for the general losses of the agricultural sector.

The more contradictions grew in the development of the real sector of the French economy, the more important the role of financial system. France was confidently leading in terms of the level of centralization of banking capital. Of the 11 billion francs of the total deposits within the country, 8 billion were concentrated in the five largest banks. Four of them had a monopoly on the issuance of securities. At the same time, an extremely ramified system of bank branches developed, covering the entire territory of the country and making it possible to attract clients from the most distant regions.

At the beginning of the 20th century, out of 40 million Frenchmen, 2 million were depositors of national banks. As a result, a powerful credit and financial system was formed, capable of providing a high level of return on investment. But the main variety financial transactions was not industrial investment within the country, but the export of capital. This trend was universal for the era of monopoly capitalism, but in France it has become hypertrophied. By 1914, of the 104 billion francs in which securities were valued on the French financial market, only 9.5 billion accounted for the national industry. The rest of the securities provided loan capital, mainly foreign investments. The return on foreign investments (4.2%) exceeded the return on domestic securities (3.1%). It is not surprising that under such conditions, between 1880 and 1914, French investment abroad tripled to 60 billion francs. According to this indicator, France came in second place in the world after the UK. The main sphere of capital allocation was Russia, Spain, Portugal, Austria-Hungary, Turkey. Moreover, in the structure of capital investments, centralized loan loans prevailed, and not investments in foreign industry.

This kind of usury has become hallmark of the French economic system at the beginning of the 20th century. It not only nourished the gigantic fortunes of the financial elite, but also ensured the existence of hundreds of thousands of small rentiers. The negative consequence of this practice was the threat of investment hunger in the French industry itself, the excessive dependence of the national economy on the well-being of the financial system. The consequences of this dependence will become apparent after the First World War.

Introduction. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2

Chapter 1. The Provisional Regime and the Fourth Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

1.1 Temporary regime. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 5

1.2 Elections to the Constituent Assembly. Constitution of 1946 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .6

1.3 Regrouping of class forces. The split of the democratic and labor movement9

1.4 Party Struggle During the Cold War . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .10

1.5 End of the Fourth Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . eleven

Chapter 2. Fifth Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 13

2.1 Founding of the Fifth Republic. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .13

2.2 The regime of "personal power" . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

2.3 Opposition to the government. struggle of democratic forces. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 15

2.4 Events May - June 1968 Resignation of President de Gaulle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .16

2.5 Elections 1969 Pompidou Government. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18

2.6 Rapprochement of the left forces. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .18

2.7 Elections 1974 Government of Giscard d'Estaing. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .19

2.8 The crisis of French society. "Bipolarization" of parties. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20

2.9 Elections 1981 Government of the Left. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .20

2.10 "Coexistence" period: 1986-1998 . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 23

2.11 Contemporary political landscape . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 24

Conclusion. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 26

Bibliography. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Introduction

France is a presidential-parliamentary republic, which means that the president has significant powers, but the role of parliament is also great. According to the Constitution, on October 4, 1958, the state institutions of the Fifth Republic were established.

The Constitutional Council consists of 9 members, exercises control over the observance of the Constitution during elections and the constitutionality of laws amending the Constitution, as well as laws submitted to it for consideration.

The head of state is the president of the republic, who is elected directly for a term of 7 years. by popular vote. Jacques Chirac, the fifth President of the Fifth Republic, was elected on May 7, 1995. The President of the Republic appoints the Prime Minister and, at his suggestion, the members of the Government. He presides over the Council of Ministers, approves laws, and is the Supreme Commander. He has the right to dissolve the National Assembly, may be vested with emergency powers in times of serious crisis. Under the leadership of the Prime Minister, the government determines and implements the policies of the Nation. Government is accountable to Parliament The Prime Minister directs the activities of the government and enforces laws. Lionel Jospin was appointed Prime Minister on June 2, 1997.

Legislative functions are carried out by a parliament consisting of 2 chambers: the Senate, elected on the basis of indirect general elections for a period of nine years, whose composition is updated every three years by a third. The last elections to the Senate took place in September 1998; The National Assembly, whose deputies are elected by direct universal suffrage for a term of five years. The last elections to the National Assembly were held in June 1997. Both chambers of Parliament, in addition to the function that controls the activities of the government, are involved in the development and adoption of laws. In the area of ​​legislative initiative, in the event of disagreements, the National Assembly has the final word. The Senate consists of 321 senators. The National Assembly consists of 577 deputies.

The judiciary is the guardian of individual freedoms, the organization of the judiciary is characterized by a clear distinction between civil and criminal courts, which deal with disputes between individuals, on the one hand, and administrative courts, designed to resolve conflicts between citizens and state power, on the other hand. .

The French traditionally have a great interest in public life. During the Revolution, the rapid growth in the number of newspapers, clubs and circles reflected the interest of a significant part of French society in politics, which until that time interested only a narrow circle of people close to the king. The initial impetus for a tense, eventful political life was the introduction of universal suffrage in 1848, under the Second Republic. The opportunity thus given to the people to exercise their sovereignty allowed every Frenchman to fully feel like a citizen, a member of society, involved in political decision-making. The growth of civic activity was facilitated by other decisions of the Constituent Assembly, elected in 1848. These include the abolition of the death penalty for political reasons, the proclamation of freedom of the press and public meetings. Then the Third Republic played a significant role: it gradually rooted the republican idea in the minds of the French. In this regard, the duration of its existence was of great importance. Thanks to her, a certain part of the French, susceptible to counter-revolutionary ideas, stopped looking at the republic as a factor of upheaval and a threat to civil peace. Gradually, a parliamentary republic based on the democratic legitimacy of universal suffrage becomes political regime, the side of which is accepted by the majority of citizens. The Third Republic became the bearer of certain values ​​in which the French passionately believed. Belief in education, democracy and society has since become a republican creed.

However, if until 1905 the Third Republic was a real republic of citizens, then later it begins to turn into nothing more than a republic of parliamentarians. The absence of governments that truly expressed the will of a cohesive majority, and the endless play of blocs and coalitions, marked the beginning of the alienation of the citizen from the executive, while the role of parties and political movements grew.

Until 1900, there were essentially no political parties in France. They take shape at the beginning of the 20th century, but occupy a more modest place compared to parties in other Western democracies. Nevertheless, after the First World War, their role increased. Along with circles, reading or educational societies, public meetings and republican banquets, cafes and enterprises become the focus of political life. In cafes, discussions are started by reading newspapers that promote political ideas, people exchange opinions, which increases the intensity of discussions. In the process of shaping public opinion and awakening civic consciousness, enterprises also played a role, primarily factories, where political ideas, in particular Marxist ideology, were disseminated through trade unions among the working environment.

Since World War II, the Fourth Republic has been extremely unstable. The liberation from the Nazi occupation, the granting of suffrage to women, the condemnation by General de Gaulle of the regime of the parties of the Third Republic give rise to great hopes. They are fed by renewed parties that carry new ideas that can bring moral principles into public life. The majority in their leadership are prominent members of the resistance movement.

Relevance of the topic

The state system established in France in 1958 is very similar to the state system established in Russia in the early 1990s. The president is endowed with extremely broad powers: he determines the main directions of internal and foreign policy states; is the Supreme Commander-in-Chief, has the right to dissolve Parliament. The political situation of the two countries also has common features: the strong influence of the left forces in society, the close relationship of the executive branch with the leading industrial monopolies, the protracted war in the south of the country.

Historiography of the issue

There is relatively little literature on this topic. Much more information exists on other periods of French history: the Great french revolution or the Napoleonic Wars. Sufficiently complete information on this topic is contained in a textbook for university students entitled "The History of the Modern Times of the Countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990". I found information about the last decade of French history only on the website of the French embassy in Russia. I took some quotes and additions from the book by N. N. Naumova “Gaullism in opposition: The party of unification of the French people in the political life of the Fourth Republic. 1947-1955" and the book by V. G. Sirotkin “History of France: The Fifth Republic”.

Goal of the work: trace the political development of France after World War II.

Chapter 1

Provisional Regime and the Fourth Republic

1.1Temporary mode.

During the liberation of France from the fascist invaders in the summer of 1944, power passed to the Provisional Government headed by General de Gaulle, in which all the main resistance groups, including the Communists, participated. A provisional regime was established in France, which existed until the adoption in 1946 of the constitution of the Fourth Republic. The political situation in liberated France was determined by the enormous influence of the resistance movement, the rise of the anti-fascist, democratic and working-class movement, the growth of friendly feelings towards the Soviet Union, which played a decisive role in the victory over fascism. The right-wing parties, discredited by supporting the Vichy government, which collaborated with the invaders, as well as the radical party, which collapsed during the war years and did not participate in the resistance movement, lost their former influence. Anti-fascist, democratic groups came to the fore. The largest political party in France was the Communist Party - an active fighter against the fascist invaders and the Vichy regime. In 1945, it included more than 900 thousand people - two and a half times more than before the war. The Communists had a predominant influence in the largest trade union in France - the General Confederation of Labor (CGT), which stood on the positions of the class struggle. In 1946, the membership of the CGT reached the highest level in its history - 5.5 million members. It was 7 times larger than the number of the second national trade union center - the French Confederation of Christian Workers, which upheld the principles of class cooperation and then numbered 750 thousand members.

The Communist Party, headed by M. Thorez, believed that the urgent tasks facing France were to restore the economy, ensure democratic rights and freedoms, and pursue an independent foreign policy. Their implementation required the unity of all patriotic forces. The Communist Party proposed to put into practice the program of the National Council of Resistance (NSS), which provided for the punishment of Vichy traitors, raising the living standards of workers, partial nationalization of industry and banks, the establishment of "genuine economic and social democracy, offering the elimination of financial and economic oligarchies from the management of the economy."

In the resistance movement, the Socialist Party managed to strengthen its position, the leader of which again became L. Blum. In the first post-war years, its membership was about 350 thousand members - more than before the war. The socialists supported the program of the NSS, were part of the leadership of the CGT, and initially spoke out for unity of action with the communists. Remaining on the positions of social reformism, they nevertheless called themselves Marxists, claimed that they were striving for the destruction of capitalism and the liquidation of classes.

In addition to the communists and socialists, that part of the bourgeoisie that took part in the resistance movement enjoyed influence among the masses.

In November 1944, a group of Catholic leaders of the Resistance organized a new party - the People's Republican Movement (MPM). characteristic feature The doctrine of the MRP was a combination of the ideas of the resistance movement with social Catholicism. Recognizing the program of the NSS, the leaders of the MRP emphasized the need for "structural reforms": partial nationalization of banks and industry, as well as "reform of the enterprise" in the spirit of class cooperation, with the "participation" of workers in management. The MRP party expressed the interests of the bourgeoisie, who considered social reforms necessary in order to avoid revolution. At the same time, it was supported by other segments of the population: on the one hand, many participants in the Resistance, workers attracted by promises of social reforms, on the other hand, Catholics (especially peasants), who saw in the MRP the heir to Catholic traditions.

The head of the Provisional Government, General Charles de Gaulle, enjoyed exceptional authority. Many French considered him the main organizer of the Resistance, the "savior" and "liberator of France." De Gaulle hoped to restore France to her greatness with the help of a strong state capable of carrying out social reforms and an independent foreign policy. Among the necessary reforms, de Gaulle included the partial nationalization of industry and banks, state control over the economy, and the development of a social insurance system. Numerous supporters of de Gaulle, who called themselves Gaullists, at first were not formalized in a special political party.

The spread of the influence of the Gaullists and the MCI showed that among the French bourgeoisie there was a turn from traditional economic liberalism, which defended the principle of non-intervention of the state in the economy, to bourgeois reformism and "dirigisme", which provided for state regulation of the economy and social reforms. At the same time, opponents of dirigisme continued to act in France, expressing the interests of the more conservative groups of the bourgeoisie. Their point of view was defended by the right-wing "Republican Freedom Party" (PRL) created in 1946 and partly by the Radical Party.

1.2 Elections to the Constituent Assembly. 1946 constitution

Elections to the Constituent Assembly and the adoption of a new constitution became a major event in the domestic political life of France. Elections to the constituent assembly and at the same time a referendum on its powers took place on October 21, 1945. The elections were held according to a proportional system, according to which the number of deputy mandates should be directly proportional to the number of votes received by each party. For the first time, the right to vote was granted to women. The overwhelming majority of voters (more than 96%) supported the convocation of the Constituent Assembly. It was to draw up a constitution, form a government, and exercise the functions of parliament until the constitution came into force.

In terms of the number of votes collected in the elections and mandates to the Constituent Assembly, the Communist Party came out on top. She collected over 5 million votes (26% of those who voted) and won 152 mandates (out of 545). The second place was taken by the Socialist Party - 4.6 million votes (24% of those who voted) and 142 mandates to the Constituent Assembly. Together, the communists and socialists had the absolute majority of mandates. In third place was the MRP party - 4.5 million votes (23.6% of those who voted) and 141 mandates. All other parties were left far behind. The Radical Party, which was one of the leading parties in the Third Republic, received just over 10% of the vote. All right-wing groups, including the PRL, accounted for about 15% of the vote.

After the elections, the Communist Party proposed the formation of a democratic government in which the majority would belong to the Communists and Socialists. The leadership of the Socialist Party rejected this proposal. As a result, a coalition government was re-formed under the chairmanship of General de Gaulle. It included representatives of the three largest parties: the Communist, Socialist, MRP, as well as the Gaullists, who were considered non-party, and groups close to them. Most of the seats, including the decisive posts of chairman of the council of ministers, minister of war, minister of foreign affairs, minister of finance, were in the hands of bourgeois leaders. The post of Minister of the Interior was taken by a socialist. The communists received the posts of minister of armaments, economy, industrial production and labor. The general secretary of the FKP, M. Thorez, became a minister of state, that is, a minister of the highest rank.

There were disagreements between the parties and factions that made up the government, and serious conflicts arose from time to time. One of them was related to the relationship of the government with the Constituent Assembly. Being a supporter of authoritarian methods of government, General de Gaulle found the constant control of the Constituent Assembly over the government burdensome. On the contrary, the socialists and communists, who had the majority of seats in the Constituent Assembly, believed that in a democratic state, the parliament should strictly control the executive branch. Unable to get rid of the control of the Constituent Assembly and not wanting to take violent measures against it, which, moreover, would have no chance of success, de Gaulle decided to resign. On January 20, 1946, he officially announced his decision. De Gaulle gathered all his ministers in the Hall of the Knights' Armor on the Rue Saint-Dominique, where the Ministry of War was located, and addressed them with short speech: “The exclusive regime of the parties has been revived again. I reject it. But other than forcibly establishing a dictatorship, which I do not want and which will lead to bad consequences, I have no other way to prevent what is happening. Thus, I need to retire.... I thank each of you for helping me.

After the resignation of de Gaulle, the socialist F. Gouin was elected chairman of the council of ministers, who formed the government of a three-party coalition - from the communists, socialists and members of the MRP party.

In May 1946, the Constituent Assembly submitted to a referendum the draft constitution it had prepared. The predominance of communists and socialists in the Constituent Assembly predetermined the democratic nature of this project. In the declaration of rights, along with traditional political freedoms, social and economic rights were fixed: the right to work and rest, the right to get a job, the right for workers to participate in determining working conditions. The right to property was guaranteed, but the possibility of nationalization of "virtual monopolies" was envisaged. The project confirmed the secular nature of the state and the school.

The leading place in the system of higher state bodies was assigned to the unicameral national assembly, which had broad rights and controlled the activities of the government. The powers of the president of the republic, elected by the National Assembly, were sharply limited.

The draft constitution aroused strong opposition from the right-wing forces, who feared that in the unicameral National Assembly (as happened in the Constituent Assembly) the left parties would be able to gain predominance, which, using the provisions of the constitution on the nationalization of "virtual monopolies", would follow the path of profound social transformations. They were joined by the MRP party, which demanded a bicameral parliament and freedom for religious schools to operate.

The composition of the second Constituent Assembly differed little from the first, but the socialists lost some of the votes, while the MRP party gained. As a result, the communists and socialists lost their absolute majority in the Constituent Assembly, and the leader of the MRP Bidault replaced the socialist Gouin as head of the three-party government.

Wishing to put an end to the Provisional Regime as soon as possible, the communists and socialists met the MRP party halfway and agreed to introduce into the constitution provisions on a bicameral parliament and freedom of education, while keeping the main content of the project intact. After that, all parties of the three-party coalition were called to vote for the new draft constitution: the communists, the socialists and the MRP.

In a referendum on October 13, 1946, the new project was approved by 52.3% of the voters who participated in the vote.

Under the new constitution, France was proclaimed a "secular, democratic and social Republic." To the usual democratic rights and freedoms contained in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen of 1789, she added "as especially necessary in our time" social rights: to work, to rest, to social security, to education.

The equality of the rights of men and women, the right of workers to participate in the management of enterprises, to trade union and political activity, to strike "within the law." The possibility of nationalization of large enterprises was allowed, the operation of which "acquires the features of a national public service or an actual monopoly"

The constitution stated that France was obligated to avoid "any system of colonization based on arbitrariness." Reproducing the text of the first French constitution of 1891, she promised "not to undertake any wars for the purpose of conquest and never to use her forces against the freedom of any people." The name "French Empire" was replaced by the term "French Union". The equality of rights and obligations of the population of France and the population of the colonial countries that were part of the French Union was proclaimed.

According to the constitution of 1946, the central role in the system of state authorities was played by the parliament, which consisted of the National Assembly and the Council of the Republic. The National Assembly, elected for 5 years by direct universal suffrage, made laws. The Council of the Republic, elected by indirect vote, could delay their adoption. The government was responsible to the National Assembly and, at its request, was obliged to resign. The president of the republic was elected by both houses of parliament. He had limited powers, all his acts needed approval by the government.

The rights and freedoms fixed in the constitution were an important achievement of democratic forces. The French constitution of 1946 was one of the most democratic constitutions.

In November 1946, the first elections to the National Assembly took place. The Communist Party again took first place, collecting 28.6% of the vote. It was the highest result in the history of the FKP. The second place was taken by the MRP party (26.3%), the third - by the Socialist Party (17.9%). In accordance with democratic traditions, the communists proposed the leader of the largest faction of the National Assembly, General Secretary of the PCF M. Torez, for the post of chairman of the Council of Ministers, but his candidacy did not collect the required number of votes. The head of the government was the leader of the socialists Blum. His government consisted only of socialists and lasted only a month. In January 1947, the government of the three-party coalition was restored, headed by the socialist P. Ramadier.

With the entry into force of the constitution and the holding of elections to the National Assembly, the interim regime ended. The period of the Fourth Republic began, which lasted 12 years - from 1946 to 1958.

1.3 Regrouping of class forces. The split of the democratic and labor movement.

In the early years of the Fourth Republic, a deep regrouping of class forces took place in France, accompanied by a split in the three-party coalition.

The social reforms carried out by the government did not satisfy the working people, who were dissatisfied with their financial situation and sought deeper social transformations. At the same time, the growing influence of the Communist Party and the working class alarmed broad sections of the petty and middle bourgeoisie, who feared for their property, and caused the growth of conservative sentiments. The French bourgeoisie, having retained power and held back the first onslaught of democratic forces, went over to the counteroffensive. In an atmosphere of aggravated international tension and the Cold War, with the support of the US ruling circles, it launched a broad anti-Soviet and anti-communist campaign.

The leaders of the Socialist Party renounced unity of action with the communists and launched a struggle against them. The resistance movement split. Some of its participants continued to cooperate with the communists and seek the implementation of the NSS program, others switched to anti-communist positions and began to get closer to the former Vichyists. Lawsuits against Vichy supporters ceased. Previously convicted Vichyists were amnestied or released early. The democratic movement was weakening, the influence of the right-wing forces was growing. In April 1947, General de Gaulle and bourgeois resistance figures close to him founded a new right-wing political party, the Rally of the French People (RPF). The leaders of the RPF sharply attacked the Communist Party and all other political parties, the struggle of which allegedly "paralyzes the state." They demanded the abolition of the 1946 constitution and the creation of a "strong power" in the person of a president independent of the parties, with broad powers. The foreign policy line of the RPF provided for the unification of Western European countries into an economic and political bloc that could resist the USSR, but at the same time ensured Western Europe's independence from the United States.

In the elections to local governments in October 1947, the RPF party came out on top, collecting more than 38% of the vote. Referring to these results, she demanded the dissolution of the National Assembly (no longer reflective, in her opinion, of the mood of the voters) and the holding of early elections that would bring the RPF to power.

The activities of other right-wing groups also revived. The PRL and the remnants of the pre-war right-wing parties merged into the "independent" grouping. The leaders of the "independents" (P. Reynaud, A. Pinay, J. Laniel and others) took conservative positions. They objected to the expansion of social legislation and government intervention in the economy.

Differences in the government of the three-party coalition escalated. Contrary to the promise to maintain friendly relations both with the Soviet Union and with Great Britain and the USA, the leadership of the MRP and the Socialist Party began to support the United States of America and England against the USSR. Despite the obligations contained in the 1946 constitution "never to use its forces against any people," the French government in December 1946 began a colonial war in Vietnam. Referring to the need to combat rising prices, the Socialist Party and the MRP objected to raising the wages of workers, for the immediate cessation of colonial wars, for friendship with the Soviet Union, but, having no majority either in the government or in the National Assembly, could not achieve the implementation of their requirements.

When the communist ministers supported the Renault factory strikers who demanded higher wages, the rest of the government coalition parties refused to meet the workers' demands. Using this pretext, the head of the Ramadier government accused the communists of violating government solidarity and on May 5, 1947, issued a decree expelling them from the government. The National Assembly approved this decision by a majority of votes. The three-party coalition broke up. The largest party in France was excluded from participation in the government. Soon the Communists began to be expelled from the state apparatus and the army. In France, as in some other Western European countries, there was a turn to the right.

The counteroffensive of the bourgeoisie led to an intensification of the class struggle. Mass strikes broke out in France. In November 1947, at the call of the CGT, a general strike began, in which about 3 million people took part. The supply of electricity was partially interrupted, the supply of fuel stopped, and trains stopped. Often striking workers occupied mines and factories, clashed with the police and troops. Although the main demand of the strikers was higher wages, the bourgeois press intimidated the population with the threat of "insurrectionary strike", civil war and "communist dictatorship". The government sent troops against the strikers.

In the midst of the strike, the social reformists, who were part of the CGT, carried out a split in the trade unions. After accusing the leadership of the CGT, led by the Communists, of giving the trade union movement a political character, the social reformists left the CGT and founded the new trade union association Force Ouvrier (Labour Force). The leaders of the Force Ouvrier called for an end to the strike. As a result, it ended with only partial satisfaction of the demands of the working people.

With the emergence of Force Ouvrier, a new split in the French labor movement was completed. Its left wing was represented by the Communist Party and the CGT, while its right, social reformist wing was represented by the Socialist Party, the leaders of Force Ouvrier and Christian trade unions.

1.4 The struggle of the parties during the Cold War.

« cold war”, a split in the democratic movement, a feeling of disappointment caused by the fact that the profound social transformations promised by the program of the NSS were not fully realized, affected the mood of the masses. The public upsurge of the post-war years was replaced by a decline in political activity. The number of political and trade union organizations of the working class has been significantly reduced. The Socialist Party and the reformist trade unions lost more than half of their members. The membership of the Communist Party fell to 500,000, and the membership of the CGT to 2 million members. Having split the three-party coalition, the leaders of the Socialist Party and the MRP waged a furious struggle against the communists. At the same time, they did not want to give in to the RPF party, which unsuccessfully demanded early parliamentary elections. In November 1947, at the height of the general strikes, the Socialist Party and the MRP, together with the Radicals and part of the "independents", formed a coalition of the so-called third force, which officially set itself the goal of fighting both communism and Gaullism. In fact, the policy of the "third force", which meant an alliance between the social reformists and part of the bourgeoisie, was calculated primarily on the fight against the Communist Party and on the retention of power by the parties of the "third force".

In anticipation of the next parliamentary elections in 1951, the “third force” coalition adopted an electoral law that was beneficial to itself, which replaced proportional representation with a majoritarian system. If proportional representation provided each party with a number of deputy seats proportional to the number of votes it collected, then under the majoritarian system, a party or block of parties for which more than half of the voters voted received all the deputy mandates of the given district. The French communists immediately subjected the new voting system to sharp criticism: "The main goal of this reform," the PCF emphasized, "is to remove the Communist Party from parliamentary activity."

As a result of the 1951 elections, the Communist Party lost some of the voters, but remained in first place, collecting more than 26% of the vote. On the other hand, the parties of the "third force" - the socialists and the MRP - lost 40-50% of their former voters, who switched mainly to the RPF. The influence of the RPF, the "independent" and other right-wing parties increased, but still none of the political groups achieved an absolute majority. If in the National Assembly of 1946 the three main parties received 75% of the deputy mandates, now 6 political groups - communists, socialists, MRP, "independent" and RPF - had large factions in the National Assembly, therefore nicknamed six-sided. Differences between the parties doomed any government to instability. During the five-year period of existence of the National Assembly elected in 1951, 12 governments were replaced in France. The Socialist Party, seeing that its influence was declining, went over to the opposition. The country began to be ruled by a center-right bloc, consisting of right-wing (“independent”) and centrists (MRP and radicals).

1.5 End of the Fourth Republic.

In the second half of the 1950s, the Fourth Republic found itself in a state of deep crisis. The inability of the ruling parties to seriously improve the situation of the masses, the gap between official declarations and real deeds, the constant governmental leapfrog undermined the authority of the parliamentary system. France's dependence on the United States, its decline in international prestige, and endless colonial wars provoked sharp criticism from broad sections of the population and even parts of the bourgeoisie.

The main bourgeois parties of the Fourth Republic were split. In almost every one of them there were supporters of ultra-colonialism and neo-colonialism, "Atlantists" and their opponents, adherents of "integration of Europe" and national independence. The previously established party-political system has undergone major changes. The RPF party, which never knew how to come to power, was defeated in the municipal elections of 1953 and ceased political activity. The MRP party, which abandoned the program of the NSS and social reforms, quickly lost influence, turning into a relatively small group that made "Atlanticism" and "European integration" the basis of its policy. In 1955 there was a split in the Radical Party. The right-wing radicals continued to cooperate with the MRP and the "independents", while the left wing, led by Mendès-France, set out to break with them. The Socialist Party also abandoned the alliance with the MRP and the "independents" and began to move closer to the radical left.

The parliamentary elections held in January 1956 showed that the country was shifting to the left. Despite the attacks of the reaction, the Communist Party again took first place. The second place was taken by the Socialist Party, united with left-wing radicals and groups close to them in the "republican front". The right-wing parties have lost a significant part of their previous deputy mandates.

Rejecting the communist proposal for joint action, the socialists and left-wing radicals formed a "republican front" government. The General Secretary of the Socialist Party, Guy Mollet, became the head of government, and Mendès-France, the leader of the radical left, became his deputy.

In the autumn of 1956, the government of Guy Mollet decided on the participation of France in the aggression against Egypt. Deprived after that of the votes of the Communist deputies, but not having received strong support from the right, Guy Mollet's government in May 1957 was forced to resign.

After the resignation of Guy Mollet, the political situation in France became even more complicated. The masses of the population are tired of the ministerial leapfrog. They lost confidence in the left forces, which did not fulfill their promises. The war in Algiers has become, in the words of Thorez, "an ulcer on the body of the country." The cost of it was 4 times higher than the cost of the war in Indochina. A huge French army with a total strength of 500 thousand people was sent to Algeria, but it could not cope with the liberation movement. The commanding staff of this army was deeply imbued with ultra-colonist sentiments, widely used torture and mass repressions against the civilian population. The ultracolonist generals and officers did not hide their contempt for the “weak” and unstable governments of the Fourth Republic, which, in their opinion, did not wage war with sufficient energy and were supposedly ready to “renounce Algeria” (that is, recognize its independence). They demanded to continue the war to a victorious end.

By the beginning of 1958, a conspiracy had developed among the ultra-colonists, with the aim of creating a "strong government" capable of victoriously ending the war in Algeria. The conspirators established contact with the entourage of General de Gaulle, who was known as a supporter of strong power, and began to seek his return to government. This campaign resonated with the masses, for whom de Gaulle's name symbolized a connection with the Resistance movement and the democratic reforms of the Provisional Government. On May 13, 1958, the ultra-colonists mutinied and seized power in the capital of Algiers. With the support of the command of the army in Algiers, they demanded that de Gaulle be handed over power. On May 15, de Gaulle announced that he was ready to "take over the power of the Republic" provided that he was granted emergency powers and the constitution of 1946 was repealed. The threat of a military coup loomed over France.

The Communist Party called on workers to strike and protest. She invited all leftist forces to act together in defense of the republic against the rebels. However, the leaders of the Socialists and other left groups did not support the Communist Party, arguing that an alliance with the Communists against the rebels would inevitably spark a civil war. The Socialist Party and the reformist trade unions refused to take part in the protest strike organized by the Communist Party and the CGT. Confused, frightened, on the one hand, by the rebels, and, on the other hand, by the possibility of the growth of popular forces led by the Communists, the leading figures of the bourgeois parties, with the support of the leadership of the Socialist Party, preferred to transfer power to de Gaulle.

On June 1, 1958, the National Assembly, by a majority of votes, expressed confidence in de Gaulle's government, which included representatives of all the main bourgeois parties, as well as two socialists, including Guy Mollet. Only communists and individual left-wing deputies, including P. Mendès-France and F. Mitterrand, voted against. The next day, de Gaulle's government received emergency powers and permission to draw up a new constitution. Then the National Assembly dispersed "for the holidays" and did not meet again.

The period of the Fourth Republic is over.

Chapter 2

Fifth Republic

2.1 Founding of the fifth republic.

Returning to power in June 1958, General de Gaulle immediately set about preparing a new constitution. On September 28, 1958, his draft was submitted to a referendum. While preserving the republic and the democratic freedoms enshrined in the 1946 constitution, the draft new constitution limited the rights of parliament and dramatically expanded the powers of the president. According to the project, the president of the republic, elected for 7 years by a complex system of indirect voting, performed the functions of head of state and supreme commander in chief. He presided over the Council of Ministers and made appointments to all the highest civil and military positions. No law could come into force without the signature of the president. The president had the right to declare a state of emergency and take full power into his own hands in the event of a threat to the republic or the independence of the nation. The powers of the parliament, which consisted of two chambers - the National Assembly and the Senate - were significantly limited. The terms of parliamentary sessions and the procedure for discussing the budget were reduced. Parliament could neither control nor remove the president. True, the government was obliged to resign if the National Assembly by an absolute majority adopts a special "resolution of censure", but in this case the president could dissolve parliament and call new elections.

Believing that the new constitution would lead to a dangerous increase in executive power and jeopardize democratic freedoms, the Communist Party called for a vote against it. The draft constitution was also criticized by some of the socialists, left-wing radicals and groups close to them, whose leaders were Pierre Mendès-France and Francois Mitterrand. However, all other political parties, including the official leadership of the Socialist Party, approved the government bill.

During the referendum, 79% of voters voted for the draft constitution. He was supported not only by the right, but also by many left-wing voters who were disillusioned with political system and practical activities of the Fourth Republic. They were influenced by the intimidation of the threat of civil war, which was widely resorted to by all bourgeois parties and the Socialist Party. Between a third and a half of the voters who supported the draft constitution believed that if it was rejected and de Gaulle resigned, a civil war would break out in France. The influence of the left was weakened by the split. Even the socialists and supporters of Mitterrand and Mendès-France, who voted against the government bill, refused to act jointly with the communists.

De Gaulle's personal authority was of great importance. Many French, who remembered his role in the Resistance Movement and his struggle against European army”, believed that only de Gaulle could adequately protect national interests and achieve peace in Algeria.

Thus, de Gaulle was supported by a broad coalition of various class forces, whose participants were often guided by opposite goals.

The adoption of the constitution legally formalized the formation of the Fifth Republic. This was followed by a series of new elections necessary for the formation of the highest authorities. In November 1958, the first elections to the National Assembly of the Fifth Republic were held. They were held under the majoritarian system in two rounds. This gave an advantage to the bourgeois parties, which usually blocked each other in the second round, blocking the way for the communists.

On the eve of the elections, supporters of General de Gaulle, who previously headed the RPF party, created a new political party - the Union for the Defense of the New Republic (UNR). It was a right-wing bourgeois party. But she enjoyed the support of broad sections of the population, who, as the referendum showed, had confidence in General de Gaulle. As a result of the elections, the UNR party, having collected 20.4% of the votes in the first round, came out on top. Thanks to the majoritarian voting system, it received 188 seats - much more than it would have had under the proportional system. The number of mandates of other right-wing parties that supported de Gaulle also increased significantly, especially among the “independents”, which increased the number of their voters by almost 1 million people compared to the last elections in 1956. The Bloc of the UNR and the “independents” received an absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly . As in the constitutional referendum, General de Gaulle's prestige and the hope that he could end the war in Algeria were the main factors that determined the victory of the right-wing parties.

The socialists and the MRP have largely retained their voters. The Communist Party lost over 1.5 million votes. 19.2% of voters voted for it, a little less than for the UNR, but because of the electoral system unfavorable for the communists, they received only 10 deputy mandates. It took 388,000 votes to elect one communist deputy, and 19,000 votes to elect one UNR deputy.

2.2 The mode of "personal power".

In December 1958, General de Gaulle was elected President of France. He appointed his longtime collaborator, one of the founders of the UNR party, Michel Debré, as prime minister. The socialists did not enter the new de Gaulle-Debré government. All the bourgeois parties, including the radicals, were represented in it, but the members of the UNR, who unconditionally supported de Gaulle, received the decisive posts. Having assumed the presidency, de Gaulle concentrated the main levers of control in his hands and established a regime of "personal power." He personally led the military and foreign policy, as well as politics in Algeria. Decisions on all important issues were made by the President, sometimes without even discussing them in the Council of Ministers.

The members of the new government were closely connected with the leading French monopolies. De Gaulle himself, through his leaders, became related to the dynasties of the largest magnates of heavy industry - the Schneiders and de Vandels. Foreign Minister M. Couve de Murville maintained close ties with the Mirabeau banker dynasty. The Minister of Finance was the industrialist A. Pinay, and then the manager of the French Bank, V. Baumgartner. J. Pompidou, the former general director of the Rothschild bank, became the head of de Gaulle's personal secretariat.

2.3 Opposition to the government. struggle of democratic forces.

The policy of the de Gaulle government provoked opposition from various class and political forces.

The French Communist Party waged a stubborn struggle against the regime of "personal power" and in defense of the democratic and vital interests of the working people. The 15th Congress of the PCF, held in June 1959, put forward as a central task the rallying of all Republicans against the "personal power" regime, "for the restoration and renewal of democracy." The regime of "personal power" was also criticized by the socialists. They were soon joined by the radicals, who from 1959 ceased to participate in the government. However, the parties of the left opposition acted in isolation and did not have a common program.

On the other hand, in the early 1960s, the right-wing and centrist parties, the MRP and the "independent" parties, criticized the independent foreign policy of de Gaulle's government. In May 1962, after de Gaulle condemned the plans for the "integration of Europe", members of the MRP party and part of the "independents" left the government in protest. The other part of the "independents", headed by the young finance minister Giscard d'Estaing, having adopted the name "independent republicans", continued to support de Gaulle.

As a result, the total number of deputies of the right and left opposition in the National Assembly exceeded the number of the ruling coalition. Under these conditions, de Gaulle decided to further strengthen the role of the president. He proposed to change the constitution, introducing a system of elections by direct universal suffrage. The draft law drafted by the government to amend the constitution was put to a referendum. All parties of the left and right opposition came out against him. The joint vote of all opposition deputies in the National Assembly, for the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic, ensured the adoption of a "resolution of censure" demanding the resignation of the government. In response, de Gaulle dissolved parliament and announced that new elections would take place after the referendum.

On October 28, 1962, more than 60% of the voters who participated in the referendum approved the government bill. In November 1962 parliamentary elections were held. They brought success to the ruling UNR party, which is far ahead of all other parties. Together with the group of "independent republicans" that supported it, led by Giscard d'Estaing, the UNR again won the absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly. The bourgeois parties opposed to de Gaulle - the MRP, the "independents" and the radicals - lost most of their voters. The Socialist Party basically retained its positions, the Communist Party increased the number of voters to 2 million people (21.7%).

In December 1965, the first in the history of post-war France elections of the president of the republic were held by universal suffrage. The left parties - communists, socialists and radicals - decided to nominate a single candidate of the left forces. They became Francois Mitterrand. In the second round of elections, Mitterrand collected 45% of the vote, but de Gaulle was re-elected president, who received 55% of votes.

In the parliamentary elections of 1967, the left-wing parties also acted together and achieved significant success, collecting a total of more than 40% of the vote. The majority of seats in the National Assembly were won by the UNR party, which acted in alliance with the "independent republicans".

2.4 Events May - June 1968 Resignation of President de Gaulle.

Elections 1965 and 1967 showed that dissatisfaction with the policy of the ruling circles is brewing in the country. Workers and employees were alarmed by the threat of unemployment, demanded higher wages and improved working conditions. Peasants sought state guarantees for their income. Engineering and technical workers wanted to take part in the management of production. A significant part of the intelligentsia attacked the entire system of bourgeois moral and political values.

Especially active were the students, who turned into a mass stratum of the population. In 1968, the number of students reached 600 thousand people - 5 times more than in the first post-war years. Among them, the number of immigrants from the middle strata of the population, the petty bourgeoisie and workers has increased significantly. Democratic-minded students were dissatisfied with the outdated education system that discriminated against the children of working people, sought job guarantees after graduation, criticized the bourgeois "consumer society", and often proclaimed their solidarity with the peoples of the "third world" fighting against imperialism. The presence among them of a large number of representatives of the petty-bourgeois strata of the population contributed to the rapid growth in the popularity of leftist ("goshist") groups that put forward supposedly revolutionary slogans of universal denial and "challenge" that attracted young people. The "Gauchists" disrupted classes, urged people to say "no to the bourgeois university" and no to "bourgeois society", they offered to start a "revolution" and overthrow the government.

In May-June 1968, the growth of discontent led to a major explosion of public struggle. The beginning was laid by the unrest of the students. On May 3, 1968, in response to the threat of expulsion of several activists of "gauchist" organizations, students went on strike and occupied the premises of the University of Paris. When the police tried to disperse them, the students got into a fight with the police. On the night of May 10-11, the first barricades built by students appeared on the streets of Paris. The police moved to storm the barricades. Students met them with a hail of stones, set fire to cars parked in the streets and directed them against the police. The police acted brutally: beat students with batons, used tear gas.

The speeches of the students gave impetus to the mass movement of workers. At the first news of repressions against students, the CGT and other trade union centers called on workers to demonstrate and protest strikes. Their initiative was supported by the Communist Party and other left-wing groups. On May 13, 1968, about 600 thousand people came out to protest in Paris. At the same time, strikes began, which quickly developed into a general strike of enormous proportions. All over the country, workers stopped working and occupied enterprises. They demanded an end to police repression, higher wages, improved welfare, and respect for democratic freedoms. During May - June 1968, about 10 million people were on strike in France - in fact, the entire working class, a significant part of the intelligentsia and employees. For many weeks the highest educational establishments occupied by striking students.

However, the mass movement was not united and did not have a unified leadership. The left forces split. The Communist Party called for the immediate satisfaction of the strikers' demands and the establishment of a "people's government" with the participation of the Communists. The socialists and other groups on the left, united around Mitterrand and Mendès-France, refused to support the communists. They intended to achieve the resignation of de Gaulle and form their own government, regardless of the Communists. The “Gauchists” argued that a revolutionary situation had developed in France and therefore it was necessary to seize power by force.

In reality, there was no revolutionary situation in France. The French economy was in a boom phase. President de Gaulle continued to enjoy great prestige. The army and police were largely unaffected by the mass movement and obeyed the government. The majority of working people, having entered the strike struggle for the satisfaction of their urgent economic demands, did not seek to seize power. The government, frightened by the magnitude of the strikes, maneuvered, combining concessions with repression.

On May 28, 1968, representatives of the government, employers and trade unions signed a protocol that satisfied (though not completely) the basic demands of the workers. The minimum wage was increased by 35%, and the salary itself - by an average of 10%. Unemployment benefits were raised by 15%. At the same time, the government was preparing to resort to military force. On May 30, 1968, de Gaulle spoke on the radio and said that France was allegedly threatened by "tyranny" and the dictatorship of the Communists. Referring to extraordinary circumstances, de Gaulle announced the dissolution of Parliament and the holding of new elections. He threatened to use "other ways to maintain order" if an attempt was made to obstruct the election. Military units ready for action were deployed near the capital. A few days later, the government disbanded the "gauchist" organizations and expelled their leaders from France.

At the end of June 1968, in the midst of a right-wing counteroffensive and fear of civil war, parliamentary elections were held. The UNR party, renamed the YuDR (“the union of democrats in defense of the republic”), acted as the “party of order”. For the first time in French history, she alone won the absolute majority of seats in the National Assembly. The Communist Party lost more than 600 thousand votes, but retained about 20% of the voters and remained the largest opposition party. The Socialist Party, the Radicals, and other groups on the left, united around Mitterrand, suffered significant losses. All "goshist" organizations taken together collected less than 5% of the votes and did not receive a single seat in the National Assembly.

Despite the victory in the elections, de Gaulle understood that the events of May-June 1968 testify to the deep distrust of the masses, which could lead to a new explosion. He conceived a series of reforms to soften the class struggle and replace it with class cooperation, providing for the participation of workers in the management of enterprises and institutions. The beginning of the reforms was supposed to put the bill on the restructuring of local governments, drawn up in the spirit of "participation". Instead of 90 departments, it was supposed to create 21 districts headed by regional councils, partly elected and partly appointed from above. The main function of the regional councils was to be the implementation of class cooperation between the "socio-professional groups" represented in them (workers, peasants, artisans, industrialists, freelancers). Executive power remained in the hands of government-appointed prefects, whose powers increased. To emphasize the importance of the bill, de Gaulle submitted it to a referendum and announced that if it was rejected, he would resign. All parties, with the exception of the SDR, opposed the bill. The parties on the left considered the supposed participation of workers in government insufficient, while those on the right considered it unnecessary and even dangerous. In a referendum held in April 1969, a majority of voters rejected the bill. De Gaulle immediately resigned the presidency and retired from the political scene. In November 1970 he died.

2.5 Elections 1969 Pompidou Government.

As a result of the resignation of the President, extraordinary presidential elections were held in France. The ruling party nominated former Prime Minister J. Pompidou as its candidate. The right-wing opposition countered him with the candidacy of one of the leaders of the "independents", the chairman of the Senate, A. Poer. Left forces failed to nominate a single candidate. The candidate of the Communist Party was the secretary of the Central Committee of the PCF, J. Duclos, and the candidate of the Socialists was G. Deffer.

In the first round of elections held in April 1969, Deffer received only 5% of the vote. 21% of voters voted for Duclos, however, the split of the left forces allowed Poer to get ahead of Duclos and go to the second round of elections along with Pompidou. Believing that Pompidou and Poer are pursuing the politics of the bourgeoisie in the same way and therefore the voters are practically deprived of a choice, the Communist Party called on its supporters to abstain from voting in the second round. With more than 57% of the vote, Pompidou was elected President of France.

Pompidou defined the main direction of his policy as President with the words "continuity and dialogue." By this he meant to say that he intended to continue the policy of President de Gaulle, but was ready to move closer to those bourgeois groups that were in opposition under de Gaulle. Having appointed J. Chaban-Delmas, a prominent figure in the SDR, as prime minister, Pompidou included in the government not only members of the SDR and "independent republicans" led by Giscard d'Estaing, but also some representatives of the right opposition.

Taking into account the lessons of the events of May-June 1968, the government of Pompidou - Chaban-Delmas proclaimed the creation of a "new society" as the main task of domestic policy, in which class cooperation should replace the class struggle. The government decided to make concessions to workers in the areas of wages, pensions and family benefits. Given that part of the bourgeoisie is dissatisfied with the policy of dirigisme, the government promised to reconsider the role of the state in managing the economy in the spirit of "liberalization", that is, to provide more opportunities for private capital. However, attempts to create a "new society" were not successful. The unions rejected the proposal to stop the strikes. The conservative part of the bourgeoisie was dissatisfied with the policy of the "new society", which they considered a dangerous social experiment. In 1972, Chaban-Delmas, who was criticized both from the right and from the left, was forced to resign. The post of prime minister was taken by one of the leaders of the conservative wing of the South Democratic Republic, an opponent of the "new society" P. Mesmer.

2.6 Rapprochement of the Left.

In the 1970s, the activities of the left forces significantly intensified. The 19th Congress of the PCF, held in 1970, called for the creation of an anti-monopoly front of leftist forces to fight for advanced democracy, opening the way to socialism. The communists believed that in order to establish an advanced democracy, it was necessary to create a democratic government that would carry out profound transformations in economic, social and political life, including the nationalization of banks and major industries, and would pursue a policy of peace, national independence and friendship among peoples. The Communist Party invited all left-wing forces, primarily the socialists, to join forces for a joint struggle against the regime of personal power, for the interests of the working people.

At that time, the Socialist Party was experiencing a serious internal crisis caused by the events of May-June 1968 and the crushing defeat of the Socialist candidate in the presidential elections of 1969. Guy Mollet, the general secretary of the party, was forced to resign. The Extraordinary Congress of the Socialist Party, held in 1968, and then its founding congress in 1969, decided to renew the party by merging it with other close groups, reconsider the old political line and change the leadership. The founding congress of the new Socialist Party (FSP) declared that the party will take a course towards the unity of the left forces and will refrain "from alliances with political forces representing capitalism."

At the congress of the FSP in 1971, François Mitterrand, who had previously belonged to one of the groups close to the radicals, was elected its first secretary. As head of the Socialist Party, Mitterrand spoke out in favor of a "break with capitalism" and for joint action with the communists. He understood that without the help of the communists, the Socialist Party would not be able to win the elections and come to power. In addition, Mitterrand hoped in the course of a joint struggle to increase the influence of the socialists and get ahead of the Communist Party. He hoped to carry out a "rebalancing" of the left forces in favor of the Socialist Party so that 3 million of the 5 million voters who usually voted for the Communists went over to the side of the Socialists.

Considering it necessary to unite all leftist forces, the Communist Party entered into an agreement with the socialists. On June 27, 1972, on the eve of the next parliamentary elections, the Communist and Socialist parties signed a joint government program. It was soon joined by a small group of left-wing radicals. The joint program stated that the parties that signed it sought to win the elections in order to put an end to the "injustices and inconsistencies of the existing regime" and "open the way to socialism." The program promised that if the left parties win the elections, there will be wage increases, benefits and pensions, as well as an increase in paid holidays. It called for democratization public institutions, carrying out a policy of peaceful coexistence, general disarmament, renunciation of nuclear weapons. The program proposed to nationalize private banks and 9 largest financial and economic groups, increase taxes on profits and large fortunes while reducing the tax burden on workers.

In the parliamentary elections of 1973, the communists, socialists, and left-wing radicals for the first time acted in concert on the basis of a joint program. They garnered 45% of the popular vote, the best result in the history of the Fifth Republic, but the Socialists increased their electorate faster than the Communists. For the first time in the post-war period, they almost caught up with the Communists in terms of the number of votes (FKP - 21.3%, FSP - 20.4% of the vote).

2.7 Election 1974 Government of Giscard d¢Estena.

In April 1974 President Pompidou died. In May, extraordinary presidential elections were held. F. Mitterrand acted as the single candidate of all leftist forces. The main candidates of the right-wing parties were the former prime minister, a prominent figure in the de Gaulle movement Chaban-Delmas and the leader of the "independent republicans" V. Giscard d'Estaing. In the first round of elections, Giscard d'Estaing left behind Chaban-Delmas, and in the second round he was not much ahead of Mitterrand. Having collected 50.8% of the vote, he was elected President of France. The De Gaulles lost this most important state post, which they had occupied since the founding of the Fifth Republic. They joined the government coalition, and one of the young leaders - Jacques Chirac - took over as prime minister, but the most important ministries ended up in the hands of "independent republicans."

Starting to exercise his powers, Giscard d'Estaing declared. That France must remain a "liberal country" and carry out "changes while maintaining order" in order to create an "advanced liberal society."

2.8 The crisis of French society. "Bipolarization" of parties.

In the mid-1970s, France, like other capitalist countries, entered a period of economic crisis. True, the absolute volume of industrial and agricultural production in France declined only in 1975, but the annual rate of economic development dropped sharply. In France, as in the entire capitalist world, a new phenomenon was discovered - "stagflation", that is, a combination of economic stagnation with inflation. Since the second half of the 70s, the lagging behind of some branches of the French economy from foreign competitors has become obvious. Part of the unprofitable enterprises was closed, the volume of production decreased. This led to an increased increase in unemployment. Massive unemployment and inflation have significantly lowered the living standards of the working people. Racist sentiment has revived in the context of the crisis. The racists claimed that immigrant workers, who made up 8% of the population and 20% of the labor force, were to blame for the mass unemployment. A new far-right racist organization emerged, led by the former pujadist and ultra-colonialist millionaire J.-M. Le Pen. Assuming the name of the national front, she demanded the expulsion of all immigrants from France, incited hatred for them, staged attacks on blacks and Arabs.

In the context of the economic crisis, the process of "bipolarization" of the parties intensified. The number of parties decreased, centrist groupings weakened.

In the parliamentary elections of 1973, the presidential elections of 1974, the elections to local authorities in 1976 and 1977. communists and socialists acted jointly on the basis of a common program. The number of voters of the left parties gradually increased, but the influence of the socialists increased faster than that of the communists. In the elections to local authorities in 1976, the Socialist Party outstripped the Communist Party for the first time in the entire post-war period. Thanks to the signing of a joint program containing popular demands among the masses, the socialists restored and even increased their influence among the workers. At the same time, they managed to win the confidence of the rapidly growing middle strata of the population, who for the most part had a negative attitude towards the communists and much more willingly voted for the socialists. Thus, the alliance of the left forces on the basis of a joint program turned out to be more advantageous for the socialists than for the communists.

In an effort to clarify and concretize its policy, the 12th Congress of the PCF, held in 1976, proclaimed the need for a peaceful way of building democratic "socialism in French." The congress decided to abandon the term "dictatorship of the proletariat" and replace it with the wording "the power of the working class and other categories of working people." The congress called not to be limited to the alliance of the left forces and to create on the basis of a joint program the "union of the French people" necessary for winning the elections, forming a leftist government and implementing democratic changes.

In 1977, the Communist Party proposed to "update" the joint program, supplementing it with more radical demands, in particular, significantly expanding the number of enterprises subject to nationalization. The leadership of the Socialist Party and the left radicals rejected the proposal of the communists, and the alliance of the left forces ceased to exist for a while.

Significant changes also took place in the camp of the right. The YuDR party, having lost the post of president of the republic and its former influence in the government, was going through a serious crisis. In one year (from 1974 to 1975), its number fell from 200 to 60 thousand people. The influence of the YuDR among the voters has almost halved. On the contrary, the party of "independent republicans" led by Giscard d'Estaing was strengthening its positions. She established close contacts with former right-wing opposition groups and collaborated with them in government.

To prevent further decline of the South Democratic Republic, its general secretary J. Chirac decided to leave the government and reorganize the party. In August 1976, he left the post of prime minister. He was replaced by R. Barr, a formally non-partisan professor of political economy close to Giscard d'Estaing.

In December 1976, at the extraordinary congress of the South Democratic Republic, it was decided, in view of the upcoming parliamentary elections in 1978, to create a new party on the basis of the South Democratic Republic, which adopted the name "Association in Support of the Republic" (OPR). J. Chirac became the chairman of the OPR. The leaders of the ODA announced their intention to preserve the "core values ​​of Gaullism", to increase the pace of economic development, to fight unemployment, and most importantly, to prevent the victory of leftist forces in the 1978 elections.

The "independent republicans" also continued their regrouping. In 1977 they renamed themselves the Republican Party, and in March 1978 merged with the remnants of the former right-wing opposition to form the Union for French Democracy (UDF), led by Giscard d'Estaing. Thus, in the parliamentary elections of 1978, four main parties entered the fray - two right and two left.

In the first round of voting, the left parties, this time speaking separately, for the first time in the history of the Fifth Republic, collected a total of 48.4% of the votes - more than the right, and the socialists were again ahead of the communists. However, thanks to the split of the left forces and the majoritarian voting system beneficial to the right, the right-wing parties, which received a total of 46.5% of the vote, won an absolute majority of seats in parliament. Most voters voted for the Socialists and the OPR party (22.6% each), a little less for the FSD (21.5%). The Communist Party increased the number of its voters by 800 thousand people, but collected only 20.6% of the votes and ended up in fourth place.

2.9 Elections 1981 Government of the Left.

In connection with the expiration of the powers of V. Giscard d'Estaing in May 1981, another presidential election was held in France. The main candidates of the right-wing parties were the former President Giscard d'Estaing and the founder of the ODA, J. Chirac. The Socialist Party nominated F. Mitterrand as its candidate, the Communist Party - J. Marchais, General Secretary of the PCF. In the first round of elections, no candidate received an absolute number of votes. According to the law, only the two candidates who collected the largest number of votes in the first round could participate in the second round of elections: Giscard d'Estaing and Mitterrand. To prevent the right-wing candidate from winning, the communists urged their constituents to vote for Mitterrand. On May 10, 1981, having gained almost 52% of the votes with the support of the Communists, Mitterrand was elected President of France. For the first time in the years of the Fifth Republic, a socialist took the presidency.

Since most of the seats in the former National Assembly belonged to right-wing parties, Mitterrand dissolved parliament and called new elections. On the eve of the elections, the Communist and Socialist parties entered into an agreement on the mutual withdrawal of candidates in the second round in favor of which of the left candidates who will collect largest number votes in the first round. ODA and SFD signed a similar agreement.

Elections were held in June 1981 and brought great success to the Socialist Party. She received the largest number of votes in her history - 37.5%. Thanks to the majority voting system, which now worked in favor of the Socialists, this was enough for the Socialist Party alone to win an absolute majority in the National Assembly.

The success of the socialists was explained, first of all, by the desire for change that gripped the broad masses of the population. With the victory of the socialists, who promised to carry out a joint program, they pinned their hopes on getting out of the crisis, ending unemployment, raising living standards, and improving working conditions. Even some communist voters voted for the Socialist Party, believing that the Socialists had a better chance of success than the Communist Party. At the same time, some of the voters of the right-wing parties, who were disillusioned with the policies of their leadership, also voted for the Socialist Party. Since in most constituencies the Socialists were ahead of the Communists in the first round of elections, they benefited from an agreement on the mutual removal of candidates from the left parties in the second round.

The Communist Party suffered serious losses. She lost more than 1.8 million voters compared to the previous parliamentary elections in 1978 and collected only 16% of the vote.

The reduction in the influence of the FKP was due to a number of reasons. The long-term participation of communists in joint activities with socialists on the basis of a common program led to the fact that in the minds of some voters the fundamental difference between the Communist and Socialist parties began to blur. To win over the right, they voted for the candidates of the Socialist Party, who, in their opinion, were more likely to be elected than the communists. Changes in the structure of the working class and the entire population of France had a significant impact on the outcome of the elections. By this time, the decline in the share of those sections of the working class where the communists traditionally had great influence (railroad workers, miners, metalworkers, automakers, etc.) and the increase in such categories of workers (workers in new industries, the middle strata of the population) had become clearly tangible. favored the socialists. Some of the communist voters were dissatisfied with the cooperation of the PCF with the Socialist Party, which remained on the positions of social reformism, while the other part, on the contrary, did not approve of the “updating” of the joint program, believing that this interfered with the unity of the left forces. Finally, extremely adverse effect The position of the French Communist Party was affected by the ever-increasing crisis in the life of the socialist countries and the harsh foreign policy of the then leadership of the Soviet Union, in particular the entry of Soviet troops into Afghanistan, which caused protests in various sectors of French society.

After the elections, Mitterrand formed a government in which socialists and left-wing radicals occupied the main posts. He invited the Communists to enter the government, and the Communist Party accepted this proposal. The communists headed 4 ministries out of 44: the ministries of transport, health, vocational education, public services and administrative reforms. P. Morua, a prominent figure in the Socialist Party, became prime minister.

The policy of the Mitterrand-Morua government caused disappointment and dissatisfaction among the broad masses of the people who had previously supported the government. Considering that the continuation of such a policy would deepen the crisis and increase unemployment, the Communist Party in July 1984 withdrew from the government. Only socialists and left-wing radicals remained in the government.

2.10 "Coexistence" period: 1986-1998

The coexistence of various political forces in the system of public authorities is, of course, a major political innovation of recent times. It took place in a situation where the President of the Republic and the government of the parliamentary majority belonged to different camps that acted together on the French political scene (they are traditionally called "right" and "left", although at present the lines between them are more vague than in the past) .

In March 1986, regular parliamentary elections were held in France. The left parties suffered a serious defeat. The Socialist Party lost over 6% of voters, the Communist Party - 6%. For the first time in the entire post-war period, the Communists received less than 10% of the total number of voters.

The failures of the government of the left forces were often perceived by the masses as evidence of the impossibility of deep social transformations. They caused a mood of disappointment and pessimism, a "shift to the right" in the public mind. The course pursued by the Communist Party for a long time to achieve social transformations by winning elections in an alliance of leftist forces united by a joint program, turned out to be unsuccessful. He created illusions about the Socialist Party and contributed to the weakening of the Communist Party.

Right-wing parties garnered a total of 56% of the vote, with the far-right racist National Front faction receiving more than 9% of voters, almost as much as the Communist Party.

As a result of the 1986 elections, the right-wing parties formed the government - the OPR and the Union for French Democracy. Jacques Chirac, leader of the ODA, became prime minister. François Mitterrand remained president. An unusual situation arose: a left-wing president coexisted with a right-wing government and a right-wing majority in parliament. This situation led to the first coexistence.

In the spring of 1988 In connection with the expiration of Mitterrand's powers in France, new presidential elections were held. All major parties put forward their candidates. The candidate of the Socialist Party was F. Mitterrand, of the Communist Party - a member of the Politburo of the Central Committee of the Communist Party A. Lazhuani. Former Prime Minister J. Chirac ran for the OPR party, and R. Barr, who served as prime minister in 1976-1981, ran for the SFD.

In the first round of voting, Mitterand and Chirac collected the largest number of votes, who were supposed to continue the fight in the second round. The candidate of the Communist Party suffered a serious defeat, receiving less than 7% of the vote. For the candidate of the extreme right National Front J.-M. For the first time, more than 14% of voters voted for Le Pen - twice as many as for the Communist Party candidate. In an effort to prevent the victory of the right, the communists urged their voters to vote in the second round for Mitterrand. As a result, Mitterrand was ahead of Chirac and was again elected President of France.

As in 1981, President Mitterrand dissolved the right-wing parliament and called new parliamentary elections. They took place in the summer of 1988. The Socialist Party came out on top with almost 35% of the vote. The Communist Party slightly improved its results: 11.3% of voters voted for it - 710,000 more than in the 1988 presidential election. instead of 43% in 1986). The National Front lost many votes, for which less than 10% of voters voted this time.

The results of the elections showed that the Socialist Party and President Mitterrand personally continue to enjoy the greatest influence among voters, in whom many French people saw an arbiter capable of maintaining a balance between right and left, a guarantor of the preservation of democratic freedoms and social gains of the working people.

Mitterrand appointed one of the leaders of the Socialist Party, M. Rocard, as prime minister of the new government. in May 1991 he ceded this post to Edith Cresson, and in April 1992 she was replaced by Pierre Beregovois. The second coexistence has taken place since March 1993, when President Mitterrand appointed Édouard Balladur as prime minister after parliamentary elections that secured an overwhelming majority for the Rally for the Republic and the Union for French Democracy. It ended in 1995 with the election of Jacques Chirac as President of the Republic. Executive and legislature were again in the hands of the same majority, and Alain Juppe becomes prime minister. The third coexistence began in June 1997: the parliamentary elections that followed the dissolution of the National Assembly by Jacques Chirac in April 1997 ensured a majority for representatives of the left. The President appointed Lionel Jospin, leader of the Socialist Party, as prime minister. The terms of the third coexistence are the reverse of the previous two, but this new character of government seems to suit the electorate most of all, which has become more vacillating. In general, the three periods of coexistence indicate that the institutions of the Fifth Republic are fully functional and provide France with a certain political stability.

2.11 Modern political landscape.

Political associations play a vital role as intermediaries between citizens and politics. In France they undergo frequent changes, making their positions and alliances more complex than in the United States, the United Kingdom or Germany, where party structures are more stable. Over the past ten years, the number of their members, as well as members of trade unions, has declined significantly. This disappointment reflects a certain lack of public confidence in organizations that have been funded by legally punishable violations. To reconcile citizens and political life, successive governments over the past decade have sought to make party funding more transparent and renew their leadership by rejuvenating it and increasing women's representation. The victory of the left in the elections to the National Assembly in 1997 led to a new "coexistence" of right and left - the third in a row in the Fifth Republic after 1986-1988. and 1992-1995 This time the President of the Republic belongs to the Right and the Government to the Left, whereas in the past it was the other way around. Although this situation does not in any way affect the country's foreign policy, since the President of the Republic and the Prime Minister speak in major forums from a unified position, it does not reduce the level of traditional confrontation between left and right forces in domestic life.

The defeat of the right-wing forces in the elections to the National Assembly, and then the weakening of their positions in the regional elections of 1998, led to their fragmentation, which was also facilitated by the personal ambitions of many party leaders. Both main components of the right camp - the Rally for the Republic (RPA) and the Union for French Democracy (UDF) - are subject to influence centrifugal forces. If the Alliance for France, created in May 1998, unites the "republican opposition", that is, the Rally for the Republic (ROR), the Union for French Democracy (UDF) and the Liberal Democracy, then this applies only to the leadership, but does not find understanding on the part of ordinary members and does not eliminate internal differences in the camp of the right

Liberals and Centrists, who united in 1978 on the initiative former president The Republic of Valerie Giscard d "Estaing to the Union for French Democracy (SFD), split again in 1998. Some of the liberals are today in the Liberal Democracy party, which replaced the Republican Party and is headed by Alain Madeleine. Other liberals remained in the republican independent and Union for French Democracy (SFD), the centrists, who now make up the majority of the SFD, united around the Force Democratice, led by François Beyroux, which included, after 1995, the former Center Social Democrats (CSD) and the Social Democratic Party (PSD). Finally, other associations were created by the former members of the SFD, such as Jean-Pierre Soissons' Reformist Movement, Charles Millon's Rally of the Right, and Philippe de Villiers' Movement for France.If the ODA itself outwardly remained united, despite the consequences of the competition between Jacques Chirac and Edouard Balladur in the presidential elections of 1995, various trends persist within it, as evidenced by the creation of the France Tomorrow movement by Charles Pasqua.

Differences among the right-wing Republicans are largely due to conflicting positions on the National Front. Some of its representatives have become close to the extreme right movement, with which they head a number of regional councils. Others, on the contrary, oppose any concessions to the National Front. The latter, using the social crisis and the disappointment of part of the electorate in the Republican parties, is taking root in many regions. The National Front cultivates a nationalism hostile to European construction and sharply criticizes all leading parties.

The left camp is also fragmented. Of course, the Socialist Party is far ahead of the others and remains the leading force of the current so-called "multiple", leftist majority. Its internal conflicts over the struggle between different tendencies, which received a lot of attention in the 80s, gradually subsided after winning the last elections to the National Assembly, although some criticism of the government is sometimes heard today from the left of the Socialist Party of Jean- Pierre Chevenment leads the Citizens' Movement (DG).

The French Communist Party, having lost a significant part of its members and electorate in 20 years, partly in favor of the Socialist Party, managed to last years stabilize its influence at the level of 9-10% of the electorate. Now becoming more pragmatic, the party seeks to renew its image, but its leadership has to deal with "renovationists", both those who are still in the party and those who have left it.

The Radical Socialist Party (PRS), which has support mainly in the south-west of the country, finds mutual understanding with its allies, the socialists, not without difficulty. The environmentalists who appeared on the national political scene in 1974 have split into rival factions, of which the Greens are represented in government. One of these factions, Generation Ecology, led by Brice Lalonde, has moved closer to the ODA and SFD.

Finally, the elections to the National Assembly in 1997 showed an increase in the popularity of left-wing extremists. The leading position among them is occupied by the "Workers' Struggle" headed by Arlette Laguillet, which is ahead of the Revolutionary League of Communists. Left extremists reject some of the measures taken by the government.

Conclusion

One might get the impression that, since political coalitions have changed frequently in recent years, there is no continuity in the governance of the country. The forces that succeed each other in power, of course, retain their own specifics, since each of them has its own orientation and its own choice of methods for solving problems. The right-wing majority is in favor of limiting the role of the state and, while in power, has taken steps to reduce taxes and mandatory contributions. On the contrary, the socialists and the left majority in general preferred to maintain the status quo in terms of nationalization and privatization, contributed to the increase in the number of civil servants, and sought to maintain, as far as possible, state-administrative control over the country's economic life.

With all this, regardless of the political coloring of the governments in power, there is constancy in terms of solving the problem of employment and combating unemployment. The constancy of solidarity is also manifested in the approach to European construction. All presidents and prime ministers were his staunch supporters, mobilizing their majority for the implementation of the European unification project. However, sometimes the disagreements on European issues went beyond the traditional divergence of opinions of the left and right camps. So, on September 20, 1992, at the referendum on the Maastricht Treaty, right and left, like the whole of France, were divided into supporters "for" and "against". Only 51% of the votes were cast for joining the treaty. Since then, the number of supporters of European unity has increased, and the consensus on the issue of switching to a single currency - the euro - has already been wider, although sharp disagreements on this score are still evident. Finally, all successive governments have promoted the worthy participation of France in the world economic competition, seeking to mitigate the effects of the difficulties experienced by certain sectors of the economy and create favorable conditions for the development of new industries such as aerospace, telecommunications, biotechnology, environmental protection activities. environments, etc.

In general, it can be stated that the leaders and bodies that have determined the structure of political life since the 1950s are evolving slowly, but their behavior and ideology have undergone profound changes. A real consensus has emerged along fundamental lines, and France is moving towards a model close to that created by the social democracy of Northern Europe.

Bibliography

1. Grigoryeva I.V., Rogulev Yu.N., Smirnov V.P. and others; edited by Yazkov E. F. History of the Newest Time of the Countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.: Higher. school, 1993.

2. Naumova N. N. Gaullism in Opposition: The Party of Unification of the French People in the Political Life of the Fourth Republic. 1947–1955 - M .: Publishing House of Moscow. University, 1991.

3. Sirotkin V. G. History of France: The Fifth Republic - M .: Higher School, 1989.

4. www. ambafrance. en

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; publishing house Higher school, 1993, p.86

2 Naumova N. N. Gaullism in Opposition: The Party of Unification of the French People in the Political Life of the Fourth Republic. 1945–1955; M.; Moscow University Publishing House, 1991, p. 105

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; publishing house Higher School, 1993, p.190

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; publishing house Higher School, 1993, p.191

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p.195

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; publishing house Higher School, 1993, p.197

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 315

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 316

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 318

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 319

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 320

I. V. Grigorieva, Yu. N. Rogulev, V. P. Smirnov, and others; edited by E. F. Yazkov. History of modern times of the countries of Europe and America: 1945 - 1990; M.; Publishing House Higher School, 1993, p. 321

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