Stolypin, Pyotr Arkadyevich - short biography. Stolypin P.A. - as a statesman-reformer Pyotr Stolypin short biography

public service Stolypina P.A. started at the Ministry of Agriculture and Rural Industry. It is possible that this step of the young Stolypin was influenced not only by his lively, but also by his family interest in the most complex and most important issue of the “peasant power” at that time - the issue of the village, that is, the agrarian one.

However, according to the "Formal list on the service of the Saratov Governor" on October 27, 1884, he was enrolled in the service of the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In 1885, according to the petition, Stolypin was transferred to the service among the officials assigned to the Department of Agriculture and Rural Industry. In 1886 he was appointed to the rank of collegiate secretary (X class in the table of ranks); January, 1887 - assistant clerk (VII class in the table of ranks) of the Department of Agriculture and Rural Industry. Almost a year later, namely, on January 1, 1888, Stolypin was "granted the rank of chamber junker of the Court of His Imperial Majesty" (V class in the table of ranks). But soon Stolypin again went to serve in the Ministry of Internal Affairs. On March 18, 1889, he was appointed marshal of the nobility of the Kovno district and chairman of the Kovno court of conciliators. At the new post Stolypin P.A. is active and in 1900 the Kovno Agricultural Society was organized.

In 1902 Stolypin P.A. was appointed acting governor of Grodno. A few months before the governorship, Pyotr Arkadyevich was approved by an imperial decree as a representative of the Russian Agricultural Council for 1902. This once again confirmed the high level specialist in the field Agriculture. After all, it was not in vain that in July, the new governor presented a new agrarian program: the resettlement of peasants on farms, the elimination of striped crops, loans for land reclamation, the development of cooperation, the agricultural education of peasants, the introduction of multi-field crop rotations.

Here in Grodno P.A. Stolypin faced another important issue - the Jewish one. Formal restrictions on the rights of Jews aroused in the Jewish environment a desire to resist the authorities, and in the conditions of the active growth of the legal self-awareness of Russian society, Jewish youth became the “leavened mass” of the revolution, making up the main part in anti-state organizations.

In 1903 Stolypin P.A. appointed to the post of governor of the Saratov province. A year later, after the start of the Russo-Japanese War, he had his first meeting with Emperor Nicholas II. Stolypin was critical of this war, this is reflected in the memoirs of his eldest daughter: “How can a peasant joyfully go into battle, defending an unknown land in unknown lands? A sad and difficult war is not brightened up by a sacrificial impulse. The defeat in the war with Japan affected the mood of the people, the empire was swept by a wave of revolutionary unrest, this also affected the Saratov region. In the fight against "chaos" Stolypin is firm, cold-blooded and fearless, but he understood that the police forces alone, the raging peasants, fueled by the revolutionaries, could not be pacified.

In 1905, by order of Stolypin P.A. with the help of military-police and administrative measures, together with army soldiers, Cossacks, the rally was brutally dispersed. It is unlikely that there could be any excuses in the direction of Stolypin P.A. for bloody suppression, and it is unlikely that he was looking for them. After all, those people whom he knew personally or from stories whom he respected were killed by revolutionary terror.

Thanks to the energetic actions of Stolypin, life in the Saratov province gradually calmed down. The actions of the young governor were noticed by Nicholas II, who twice expressed his personal gratitude to him for his diligence.

In the second half of April 1906, Stolypin was summoned to Tsarskoye Selo by telegram signed by the emperor. Having met him, Nicholas II said that he closely followed the actions in Saratov and, considering them exceptionally outstanding, he appointed him Minister of the Interior. However, against the background of the revolution and four attempts on his life, he tried to refuse the proposed position, but could not disobey the order of the emperor. On April 26, he was appointed to the post of Minister of the Interior.

Activities as a minister coincided with the beginning of the work of the First State Duma, where the main backbone was the left, whose course from the very beginning was aimed at confrontation with the authorities. In July 1906, the First State Duma was dissolved by the emperor. Stolypin P.A. was appointed to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers with the joint replacement of the post of Minister of the Interior. From this period comes the time of Stolypin's reforms until his death, which came from a bullet of murderers.

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin is one of the most prominent and significant figures in Russian history on the rise of the monarchy. His whole life was devoted to serving the state. He was the governor of two localities, the Minister of the Interior and the Prime Minister, and his decisions changed the lives of millions of citizens of the country.

Childhood and youth

Stolypin was born in 1862. He was a representative of a noble aristocratic family. The poet Mikhail Lermontov was his Childhood of Peter passed first in the estate near Moscow, and then in the Kovno province. He studied in Vilna and Orel (his father was a military man and often changed his place of residence).

Stolypin received his higher education, which he cannot do without describing his youth, at the St. Petersburg Imperial University at the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics.

Successful official

For thirteen years (from 1889 to 1902), the young official spent in Kovno, where he was the district marshal of the nobility. Later he became the governor of Grodno and Saratov. It was in this Volga city that Stolypin, whose historical portrait presents him as a fighter against the revolution, met the Russo-Japanese War and the troubled year of 1905.

In Saratov, as well as throughout the country, unrest began. Pyotr Arkadievich succeeded in calming down the subordinate province. Here the echo of the revolution passed relatively unnoticed.

Minister of the Interior and Prime Minister

Stolypin's luck was noticed by the emperor. Nicholas appointed him Minister of the Interior. This position was not what Stolypin dreamed of. Historical portrait against the backdrop of the era depicts him as a supporter of the old order. It was because of his devotion to the monarchy that he could not refuse the king.

A few months later he became prime minister. The historical portrait of Pyotr Stolypin cannot do without mentioning his constant conflicts with the Duma. The socialists did not allow laws to be passed. Because of this, two parliaments were dissolved ahead of schedule, and the prime minister became an odious person for liberals and other opposition.

What else is the historical portrait of Stolypin? In short, he was trying to salvage the old system. However, he could also compromise. For example, zemstvos appeared in the western provinces. At the same time, the prime minister became the initiator of limiting Finland's autonomy within the Russian Empire.

Stolypin Petr Arkadyevich (the historical portrait may seem contradictory at first glance) was in fact a very consistent person with his own ideals and principles.

Assassination attempts

Stolypin's tough stance on many issues led not only to public political criticism, but also to direct threats to life. There were 11 assassination attempts on him (it seems that this figure is comparable only with the number of unsuccessful terrorist attacks against Alexander II).

The first attacks on Stolypin were made when he was governor of Saratov. However, these attempts were poorly organized and did not lead to anything.

Explosion on Aptekarsky Island

When Pyotr Arkadyevich moved to St. Petersburg, a cold reception awaited him in the capital. In August 1906, an explosion was committed in the mansion of an official, where he held a regular reception of the townspeople. Apothecary Island shook from a powerful wave. Radical SRs infiltrated the reception under the guise of visitors and detonated the bomb. The attack cost the lives of 24 people. Basically, these were visitors who came to Stolypin with personal appeals. The Penza governor Sergei Khvostov and personal adjutant of Peter Arkadyevich, Alexander Zamyatin, also died. Eyewitnesses claimed that it was he who covered the minister from the explosion.

In addition, Stolypin's daughter suffered greatly. Doctors insisted that Natalya needed to have her legs amputated. The father persuaded them to postpone the operation. As a result, the legs were saved, but the daughter remained disabled. Stolypin himself was not injured by the explosion: there was not a scratch on him. The bronze inkwell on his desk shattered against the wall and spattered him.

Courts-martial

The reaction to the attack was extremely harsh. A few days later, the government announced that military courts were being introduced in the country. They had the right to sentence to death. This further inflamed and polarized society.

During the meeting of the Duma, the cadet Rodichev used the phrase "Stolypin's tie" (an allegory for the noose of the gallows) in his speech. This phrase went down in history (largely thanks to Soviet textbooks, where Stolypin was scolded and called a bloody reactionary). The Prime Minister was at this famous meeting and, in a rage, challenged Rodichev to a duel because of an unbearable insult. The deputy later apologized for his words.

Military field courts became the object of criticism from the intelligentsia. For example, Count Leo Tolstoy, impressed by such a decision, wrote the famous article “I can’t be silent!”, where he mercilessly criticized the state. Soon, a polemical correspondence took place between the famous writer and the prime minister, which is now in the public domain. Tolstoy was supported by such famous personalities as Alexander Blok and Ilya Repin.

Doom

Attacks directed at the Prime Minister continued after the episode on Aptekarsky Island. The terrorists did not give rest to Stolypin. The historical portrait of this man was formed much later, and during his lifetime he was scolded for all the problems in the country.

September 1, 1911 (old style) Kyiv was in the center of attention of the whole country. A monument to Alexander II was unveiled there in honor of the 50th anniversary of the Manifesto on the Liberation of the Peasants. Stolypin arrived in the city, as well as the entire royal family. The distinguished guests went to the Kiev theater, where there was a performance based on Pushkin's The Tale of Tsar Saltan.

Such events required special security measures. which was responsible for order, shortly before that, received information that some terrorists were preparing another attack on the royal family or the prime minister. This was reported by secret informant Dmitry Bogrov, who was a double agent for the special services and radicals.

However, the guards made the fatal mistake of trusting this young man. The half-educated student himself wanted to put an end to Stolypin. As an informant, he received a ticket to the play. He had a loaded Browning in his pocket. During the intermission, Bogrov approached Pyotr Arkadyevich, who at that time was talking with the Minister of the Court, Frederiks. The young man fired two shots. The first bullet hit Stolypin's hand, the second crushed the cross of St. Vladimir on his chest and ricocheted into the liver. The attacker was immediately captured, and after the trial he was executed.

The prime minister, bleeding, crossed the king, who was nearby, sat in his chair with the phrase "happy to die for the king", after which he was sent to the hospital. There he lay for another three days and died from a severe wound. The historical portrait of Stolypin makes it clear that he was a radical reformer of the state. It was because of his irreconcilable position and harsh decisions that he was at the crosshairs of numerous terrorists, the last of whom managed to commit the murder.

Meaning and ratings

The prime minister tried to preserve the monarchy. Despite the difficult relationship with Nicholas II, he always remained loyal to the emperor. His reforms began to take effect almost immediately after his death. The fight against terrorists and revolutionaries calmed the country. The agrarian reform made it possible for millions of people to go to the east and start their own household there. The country quickly enriched itself and in 1913 reached its economic peak. Industry developed, agriculture and entrepreneurship gained momentum. Despite the polar assessments, in some issues the government and the Duma have learned to work with each other.

One of the people who made this possible was Pyotr Stolypin. The historical portrait of this statesman began to take shape much later. Only in the modern era did it become clear that all his efforts were favorable to the country.

But the Prime Minister's efforts were in vain. In 1914 the First World War broke out. Austria came into conflict with Serbia, with which Russia was in allied relations. Thus a massacre broke out between the Entente and the Central Powers. It is possible that Stolypin would have dissuaded the tsar from entering the war, but he was no longer alive. The protracted campaign led to an increase in public discontent, and eventually to a revolution that destroyed the tsarist state. The historical portrait of P. A. Stolypin as a fighter against the radicals was soiled for many decades. The Soviet state saw the tsarist premier as its worst enemy.

Years of life: 1862-1911

From the biography.

Stolypin P.A. - statesman, chairman of the Council of Ministers since 1906.

He was a tough, skillful, smart politician. He saw his task in restoring order in the country through a well-thought-out policy of the ruling circles. He was a supporter of tough measures, but at the same time sought to reach a compromise with the opposition.

Stolypin was both a conservative and a reformer at the same time. He was a very good orator, he could convince his opponents of the correctness of his course.

• Prior to his appointment to the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, he held a number of high positions in Russia: he was the marshal of the nobility, the governor, first in the Grodno and then in the Saratov province.
• On April 26, 1906, he was appointed Minister of the Interior, and on July 8, simultaneously Chairman of the Council of Ministers.

• He set a course for socio-political reforms, planning to carry out a number of reforms: agrarian reform, reform of local self-government, introduce universal primary education, initiated the law on religious tolerance and the creation of field courts. In 1907, he achieved the dissolution of the 2nd State Duma and held a new electoral law (according to it, the role of right-wing forces was strengthened). However, of the 47 reforms he proposed, only 10 were implemented, and even those were not fully implemented.
• There were several terrorist attacks on him. After one in 1906 - the most terrible, when 27 people died, his son was wounded and his daughter shell-shocked, he strengthened security measures, introduced courts-martial. Under the new decree, the rioters were convicted within 48 hours and the sentence carried out within 24 hours. A new concept appeared - "Stolypin's tie" - a noose that was tightened around the neck of the convicts, as many executions were carried out.
• He wanted to carry out a zemstvo reform, expanding the rights of local self-government, introducing representatives of the prosperous peasantry into the zemstvos, limiting the rights of the leaders of the nobility. He was able to pass the law only in the western Polish zemstvos, and even then this met with discontent in society.
• June 14, 1910 - the beginning of the Stolypin reform.

Stolypin reform

1. Political - to form a new social pillar of the regime in the person of the peasant - the owner.
2. Economic - to increase agricultural production, which was hindered by communal land ownership (because of the constant redistribution of land, it was unprofitable for the peasants to improve it).
3. Social - to solve the problem of lack of land of the peasants in the overpopulated central regions, without affecting the landlords' land ownership.

Directions of reform:

• the destruction of the community "from above", the creation of a layer of owners. Two forms of exit from the community: a farm, that is, the allocation of land in a new place, and a cut, the exit of peasants from the community, when the estate remained in the same place. If earlier the peasant was completely dependent on the community (what land he would receive, what crop he would plant), now he became the full owner of the land.
• reorganization of the Peasant Land Bank. The bank bought up landlords' and specific (that is, belonging to the imperial family) lands, and sold them on favorable terms. To this end, in 1906. redemption payments were abolished under the reform of 1861. This helped to solve the problem of lack of land for the peasants.
• Carrying out agricultural activities: the creation of courses on cattle breeding and dairy production, the introduction of progressive forms of agriculture.
• the policy of resettlement of landless and landless peasants to the outskirts - to Siberia, Central Asia, Far East. Many benefits were provided: cheap railway tickets, special wagons were issued for relocation to new places along with livestock (“Stolypin wagons”), all arrears were forgiven the peasants, and an interest-free loan was issued. And for another five years, the peasants did not have to pay taxes. The conditions were attractive, which led to the fact that in 10 years more than 3 million people were resettled.

However, the reform was not completed, and with the death of Stolypin gradually faded away.

Negative consequences of the Stolypin reform:

• serious changes in agriculture could not be achieved if the landed estates were preserved
• the reform was late, in a short time a support was not created in the countryside in the person of the peasant owners.
• social contradictions intensified, the appearance of prosperous kulaks in the countryside caused discontent among the rest of the peasants.
• the resettlement policy did not reach the goal either. The peasants had a hard time getting used to the difficult climatic conditions, there were often clashes with local residents. About 16% of the peasants returned to their homeland, joining the ranks of the unemployed, and those who remained often lived in near poverty.
• there were many dissatisfied with this reform in society: some considered the measures too mild, while others did not want any changes in society at all.

After the death of Stolypin, the reform was curtailed. But it bore fruit, and already in 1912-1913 the output of agricultural products increased significantly. Wealthy peasants gave the country more than 40% of the grain. They were also the main consumers of many industrial products.

Military reform P.A. Stolypin

Purpose: to increase the country's defense capability, restore the military might of Russia, reform the army and navy.

Directions of military reform P.A. Stolypin:

• mass technization and mechanization of the armed forces, increasing the rate of fire and range small arms, the appearance of heavy and rapid-fire artillery, armored vehicles, airplanes
• active introduction of new means of communication - telegraph, telephone, radio.
• a change in the recruitment of the army: the basis was the principle of universal military duty (clergy, foreigners and some categories of the population were exempted from service), the service life was reduced: in the infantry to 3 years, in other branches of the military, to 4. The stock of the army was divided into two categories: 1 - younger ages to replenish the field units, 2 - older ages, they replenished the reserve and rear units.
• Along with the usual types of troops, new ones appeared: chemical, aviation, armored vehicles.
• The officer training system has improved significantly, as well as new schools (electrotechnical, automobile, railway, aeronautical) and a school of ensigns have appeared. At the same time, the process of democratization of the officer corps was going on, religious and national restrictions were removed.
• He paid much attention to the development of the fleet, shipbuilding.

Significantly increased the number of troops and increased their military-technical training

Strengthened technical equipment

The centralization of command and control of the army and navy increased, which made it possible to clearly coordinate the actions of all branches of the armed forces.

Many undertakings of Stolypin P.A. have not lost their relevance today.

Interesting statements by P.A. Stolypin

• “You, gentlemen, need great upheavals; we need a great Russia” (carved on the grave of Stolypin. Taken from a speech on May 24, 1907 in the State Duma)
• For persons in power, there is no greater sin than the cowardly evasion of responsibility.
• Our eagle, the heritage of Byzantium, is a two-headed eagle. Of course, one-headed eagles are strong and powerful, but by cutting off our Russian eagle's one head facing the East, you will not turn it into a one-headed eagle, you will only make it bleed...
• Give the state 20 years of internal and external peace, and you will not recognize today's Russia.
• Only that government has the right to exist, which has a mature state thought and a firm state will.
• The goals and objectives of the Government cannot change depending on the evil intent of the criminals: you can kill an individual, but you cannot kill the idea that animated the Government. It is impossible to destroy the will aimed at restoring the opportunity to live in the country and work freely.
• In the matter of recreating our sea power, our sea power, there can be only one slogan, one password, and this password is “forward”.
• Russia needs such a fleet, which at any given moment could fight with a fleet that stands at the level of the latest scientific requirements.

This material can be used in preparation for task number 40 on the topic: USE C6 historical portrait.

Historical portrait of Stolypin: activities

1. Domestic policy of Stolypin Petr Arkadyevich

A course has been taken for socio-political and economic reforms, strengthening the power of the country, its modernization, but while maintaining the monarchy, state integrity and inviolability of private property.

• Further strengthening of the monarchy: the dissolution of the 2nd State Duma, the adoption of a new electoral law, according to which the position of right-wing forces in the 3rd State Duma was strengthened.
• Improving Agricultural Efficiency: Agrarian Reform

the formation of a peasant-owner, the allocation of farms and cuts from the community, resettlement policy, benefits when obtaining a loan for land, support for cooperatives and peasant associations, a decree on civil equality of peasants, etc.)

• Restoring order in the country (“first calm, then reforms”): the fight against terrorism, the creation of courts-martial.
• National policy: the rapprochement of nations and peoples, Stolypin sought to adopt a decree on religious tolerance, to resolve the Jewish question, to stop the infringement of rights based on nationality. However, he could not do much without receiving support in higher circles, he even limited the autonomy of Finland
• Carrying out a reform of local self-government: Zemstvos were established in the western provinces.
• Carrying out social transformations: improving the life of workers, establishing the inviolability of the individual, the right to participate in strikes was recognized, all class restrictions for peasants were abolished.
• Carrying out military reform in order to increase the country's defense capability, restore the military might of Russia: increase the size of the army by changing the army recruitment system, improve technical equipment, improve the quality of officer training, strengthen the centralization of army and navy management

2. Foreign policy of P.A. Stolypin

Strengthening the international position of Russia:

• Rapprochement with Great Britain, 1907 agreement on the division of spheres of influence in Asia
• 1907 - the final registration of the Entente ("cordial consent"), that is, the military-political alliance between Russia, France and England. He opposed another alliance - the Tripartite, between Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey (later Bulgaria joined, etc.)
• Desire to resolve conflicts in the Balkans: Russia refrained from decisive action during the Balkan crisis in 1908-1909.

The results of P.A. Stolypin:

• Despite the incompleteness of a number of reforms, the country began the process of modernization in all spheres of society: social, economic, political: agrarian and military reform, transformations in other spheres of society significantly strengthened the country, made it powerful in military and economic position (according to many indicators, Russia occupied leading positions in the world).
• Stolypin P.A. managed to calm the society for a certain time, however, by fighting terrorism, using cruel measures.
• His activities contributed to the formation of a single nation, as he implemented the principle of civil equality in his activities.
• As a far-sighted politician, he was able to see the prospects for the development of the country. Many of his ideas were implemented after his death: compulsory primary education was introduced in 1912, ideas for the revival of the economy were considered and laid the foundation for Russia's transformations along the path of a market economy. It is no coincidence that in 2006 a monument was erected to him in front of the Government House in recognition of the talent of this man, his mind and insight.
• Many of Stolypin's statements have become aphorisms:

“You, gentlemen, need great upheavals; we need a great Russia”;

"Give the state 20 years of internal and external peace, and you will not recognize today's Russia"

Chronology of the life and work of P.A. Stolypin

Monument to P.A. Stolypin. Moscow. Krasnopresnenskaya embankment, near the Government House. Opened for the 150th anniversary of the birth of P.A. Stolypin, in 2012. Sculptor Salavat Shcherbakov.

In 1906, Tsar Nicholas II was especially burdened by the presence of Witte, who seemed to him too liberal. Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin (1862-1911) seemed a worthy candidate for the premiership, having proved himself superbly in the fight against the revolution. During the period of Stolypin's premiership, 7.3 thousand people were sentenced to death, of which almost 4 thousand were executed. 70 thousand people were sent to hard labor.

“Where the government defeated the revolution, it managed not only by physical force, but by the fact that, relying on force, it itself became the head of reforms (Prussia, Austria),” Stolypin said.

Witte believed that Stolypin was an insufficiently educated person, without any state experience, "average mental qualities and average talent." Well, if it was not envy of his successor that spoke in the ex-premier, then it should be recognized that even the “average” people of the bureaucratic apparatus learned something in the 20th century.

Pyotr Arkadyevich is a hereditary aristocrat. The Stolypin family is ancient and numerous. The future prime minister graduated from St. Petersburg University, was fond of I.S. Turgenev. Shot in a duel with the killer of his older brother. In general, he was distinguished by fearlessness: he was assassinated several times, but he tried to do without protection.

Stolypin, being a landowner, leader of the provincial nobility, knew and understood the interests of the landowners; as governor during the revolution, he saw peasants in revolt, so for him the agrarian question was not an abstract concept. Stolypin was a monarchist. Addressing the left, he uttered the famous words: "You need great upheavals, we need Great Russia." He spared no effort to implement his program. Only shortly before his death he took his first and only vacation, often working at night. Short of time, he drafted vast reforms and said that they would require "20 years of peace" to implement. The essence of the reforms was as follows: laying a solid foundation for the autocracy and advancing along the path of industrial, and hence capitalist, development. The core of the reforms was the agrarian policy. Stolypin was repeatedly threatened with resignation, he felt growing loneliness and, apparently, in last years I realized that almost nothing came of what I had planned. Perhaps that is why Witte wrote that in the last years of his reign, Stolypin ceased to care about business and about preserving the name of an honest man, and used all his strength to preserve his place, honor and all the material benefits associated with this place.

In 1911, the instability of Stolypin's position became apparent. The assassination of the prime minister put an end to the physical existence of Pyotr Arkadyevich. In the last 10 - 15 years, discussions around Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin have gone beyond purely academic publications and have become the subject of close interest of the widest circles of society. First of all, the chance for Russia, the chance to avoid those tragic cataclysms that shook the country in the first decades of the 20th century, was not realized.

Evaluation of the policy of P.A. Stolypin throughout the 20th century. was not always objective and depended on many historical factors. Most people associate Stolypin's activities with an attempt at agrarian reform at the beginning of the first decade of the 20th century.

But that's not all, because Pyotr Arkadyevich planned to implement a wide range of reforms, although most of them failed (the development of the labor issue, the reform of education for peasants, zemstvos). The land problem has always been relevant for Russia, and so far it has not been fully resolved.

Methods and results of solving this topical issue throughout history Russian state depended on the authorities, and not on the peasantry, and most often carried out "from above".

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was no exception. There are many journalistic, historical and fiction associated with the activities of P.A. Stolypin. For example, the Soviet historian A.Ya. Avreha “P.A. Stolypin and the fate of Russia's reforms” or an objective assessment given by P.N. Zyryanov in the book “P.A. Stolypin: political portrait»; monograph by A.S. Izgoev “P.A. Stolypin. Essay on life and activity”, S.M. Dubrovsky "Stolypin land reform", V.S. Dyakin "Did Stolypin have a chance"; biographical memoirs of Stolypin's daughter Maria Bock “Memories of my father P.A. Stolypin".

Stolypin's contemporaries and prominent figures of subsequent generations ambiguously assessed his political course.

From the point of view of a number of scientists and publicists, Russia had a chance to avoid tragic upheavals if Stolypin's reforms were carried out, especially his agrarian reform. If not for a number of external and internal problems - the outbreak of the world war, the incitement of revolutionaries, the lack of proper understanding between liberally oriented figures and the liberal opposition - it would inevitably lead our Fatherland to progress and prosperity.

In the reform, therefore, first of all, positive features and positive results are seen.

The second reason for the heightened interest in reform in our time is the conclusion that it is necessary in one way or another to use the experience of reform in modern transformations. Meanwhile, historical experience is an inexhaustible source of valuable information and concrete historical examples; unfortunately, valuable historical experience most often remains unclaimed.

Proponents of a different approach object, deny the agrarian reform a chance of success, see it as a “stillborn child”, consider it impossible and unnecessary to learn from the experience of P.A. Stolypin.

Traditionally, researchers (especially those of the Soviet period) considered Stolypin a limited reactionary, paying attention primarily to socio-political the goals of the reform (an attempt to prevent a new revolution, the creation of a social support for tsarism in the countryside, etc.).

"Foreign experts have repeatedly reproached domestic researchers for the fact that all their studies of the reform are reduced to the calculation of "percentage of farms and the depiction of the peasant movement"" 3 .

This reproach to our science in oblivion until recently of this issue must be recognized as a whole deserved. The works of the 1920s, which are now reintroduced into scientific circulation, were hushed up. We are talking about the works of A.V. Chayanov "Organization of the peasant economy". M., 1925. Pershina “Land arrangement of the pre-revolutionary village”, M., 1928. Fundamental work by P.N. Pershina, conceived as part of a statistical study of land management and its agrotechnical results for economic regions, did not come out in full. Only the first volume has appeared.

From the end of the 1920s. addressing this topic has not been practiced. This side of the reform has been given quite a lot of attention by foreign, in particular Japanese, researchers. The Japanese researcher Kimitaka Matsuzato came to the conclusion that Russia had a more advantageous food position in the First World War than other participating countries. He saw the reason for this in the Stolypin reform, and therefore considered its assessment in Soviet scientific literature to be unjustifiably low.

Pyotr Arkadyevich Stolypin was born on April 5, 1862 in Dresden, into a family that belonged to an old Russian family known since the 16th century. Maternal grandfather, Prince Gorchakov, was the commander-in-chief of the Russian army during the Crimean War. Pyotr Arkadyevich was a second cousin of M.Yu. Lermontov.

Having brilliantly graduated from the Faculty of Physics and Mathematics of St. Petersburg University, in 1885 he entered the service of the Ministry of State Property, in 1889 he moved to the Ministry of Internal Affairs and soon became the youngest governor in Russia - in Grodno, and then in Saratov. In 1906, he combined this post with the post of Chairman of the Council of Ministers, replacing the apathetic Prime Minister I. L. Goremykin, who was even called "your indifference" in bureaucratic circles.

Stolypin's appointment to such a high position did not go unnoticed. Even the most irreconcilable opponents were forced to admit that this time the Russian government was headed by a gifted, strong, outstanding person. Evil tongues, however, explained his impetuous, brilliant career as patronage from his wife's relatives, close to the court. Stolypin was married to O.B. Neugardt - the former bride of his brother, who was killed in a duel. According to contemporaries, despite the complex nature of Olga Borisovna, Pyotr Arkadyevich was happily married, had five daughters and one son. AND I. Arkhipov, V.F. Blokhin "History of Russia in portraits" volume 1. - S. 354-355.

At the basis of its state activities P.A. Stolypin laid down the principle expressed by the founder of the state school B.N. Chicherin: "Liberal reforms and strong power". The following course of reforms was officially announced: freedom of religion, inviolability of the person and civil equality in the sense of "eliminating restrictions and restrictions on certain groups of the population", the transformation of local courts, the reform of secondary and higher education, the police reform, the transformation of the Zemstvo, income tax, "exceptional measures protection of public order".

Realizing that the government's hope only for punitive measures is a sure sign of its impotence, Stolypin focused not on finding the instigators of the revolution, but on developing reforms that, in his opinion, could resolve the main issues that caused the revolution, tried to establish a dialogue with representatives of opposition political forces. At the same time, Stolypin did not avoid violent, punitive actions, which makes it possible to assess his political course as a policy of "carrot and stick." Unfortunately, in Soviet historical literature, only politics from the position of the "stick" was most often considered, and politics from the position of the "carrot" was not fully studied. Pyotr Arkadyevich gained a reputation as an executioner who filled Russia, in the words of the Cadet Rodichev, with "Stolypin's ties."

On August 12, 1906, the Maximalist Socialist-Revolutionaries attempted to assassinate P.A. Stolypin, which resulted in the death of 27 people who were in the reception of the government dacha, and both terrorists. Of the 32 wounded, 6 died of wounds the next day. A wall with a balcony collapsed from the explosion. The daughter and son of Stolypin were seriously injured by the rubble of stones, he himself was not injured.

Shortly after this attempt on his life, Stolypin achieved an emergency order under Article 87 of the Basic State Laws for the introduction of a decree on the establishment of courts-martial, according to which the proceedings were completed within 48 hours, and the sentence, sanctioned by the commander of the military district, was executed within 24 hours. Stolypin considered these measures justified in order to preserve public safety, believing that violence must be met with force. He argued that one must be able to distinguish blood on the hands of a doctor from blood on the hands of an executioner, emphasized that the death penalty can only be applied to murderers, and categorically objected to the introduction of a hostage system.

In fact, mass lawlessness was committed, a state of emergency was introduced in most of the country's territory, and executions of innocent people were not uncommon. Judges who delivered too "soft" sentences were fired from their jobs. If until the autumn of 1906, on average, 9 people were executed a year, then from August 1906 to April 1907, 1,102 death sentences were passed by military courts. Such statistics fully confirm Stolypin's reputation as a tough and even cruel politician. There. - pp. 355-356

It should also be noted that Stolypin managed to carry out almost all of his main reforms not through discussion in the State Duma, knowing that the projects he submitted would not receive approval there, but according to Article 87 of the Fundamental State Laws - in an emergency, during the "interduum". And although Stolypin tried to prove the expediency of this practice, arguing that a similar article exists in the legislation of many European states, and the adoption of the law by the State Duma takes so much time, which makes it difficult to make urgent decisions, the new prime minister too often resorted to help "Emergency Legislation".

Stolypin justified cases of searches of the State Duma deputies, was involved in its dissolution and the arrest of some deputies, the publication of a new electoral law after the dissolution of the Second Duma.

On June 1, 1907, Stolypin demanded a closed meeting of the Duma, at which the prosecutor of the St. Petersburg Court of Justice, Kamyshansky, charged the members of the Social Democratic faction with preparing to "overthrow the state system", demanded that they be deprived of their immunity. The accusation was based on a forged text of a soldier's order. After the dissolution of the Duma, members of the Social Democratic faction were condemned.

By approving the new electoral law on June 3, 1907, the government actually carried out a coup d'etat, since according to the Fundamental State Laws (Article 86), this law was supposed to be considered by the Duma, but they did without it.

Stolypin and the State Duma is a special issue. To his credit, Stolypin is probably the only one of the ministers of the tsarist government who was not afraid to speak in the Duma with answers to a variety of deputy requests. He was a good orator, he behaved with dignity and correctness on the podium. Meanwhile, sometimes the audience was so hostile to him that because of the noise in the hall, Stolypin could not start his speech for 10-15 minutes. When Pyotr Arkadyevich began to speak, the hall of the Tauride Palace resembled a theater: the deputies "on the right" gave a storm of applause and shouted "bravo", the deputies on the "left" stamped their feet and made noise. Sometimes the speaker's speech sounded quite harsh. For example, speaking in the Duma on the question of measures to combat revolutionary terrorism, Stolypin said: "The government will welcome any open exposure of any disorder ... but the government should treat attacks that lead to the creation of a mood in an atmosphere in which an open speech These attacks are calculated to cause paralysis in the government, in power, and will, and thoughts, they all boil down to two words addressed to the authorities: “Hands up.” To these two words, gentlemen, the government with complete calm, knowing that he is right, he can answer with only two words: “You will not intimidate.” Ibid., pp. 356-357.

On the work of the State Duma, on the decisions it makes, Stolypin spoke very condescendingly: "... You have neither the strength, nor the means, nor the power to lead it beyond these walls, to put it into practice, knowing that this is a brilliant, but ostentatious demonstration" , or: "... this is a smooth road and the procession along it is almost solemn to universal approval and applause, but the road, unfortunately, in this case leads nowhere."

In addition to agrarian reforms, Stolypin developed very interesting bills in the political, social and cultural fields. It was he who, on behalf of the government, introduced III State thoughts on a bill on insurance of workers against disability, old age, illness and accidents, on the provision of medical assistance to workers at the expense of enterprises, limiting the length of the working day for minors and adolescents. He also submitted a project to resolve the Jewish question for consideration by Nicholas II. Few people know that Stolypin was the initiator of the introduction of universal free primary education in Russia. From 1907 to 1914 the expenditures of the state and zemstvos for the development of public education were constantly growing. So, in 1914, more funds were allocated for these needs than in France.

Stolypin sought to raise the educational and cultural level of state officials, and it was for this purpose that he proposed to increase the salaries of teachers, employees of post offices, railways, priests, and officials of the state apparatus.

Petr Arkadyevich also participated in the development of documents on political reform. He proposed a non-estate system of local government, according to which elections in the zemstvos were to be held not by class curiae, but by property ones, and the property qualification was to be reduced tenfold. This would greatly expand the number of voters, at the expense of wealthy peasants. Stolypin planned to put at the head of the district not the marshal of the nobility, but a government official. The reform of local self-government bodies proposed by him caused sharp criticism of the government course from the nobles.

In the development of national policy, Stolypin did not show due flexibility and delicacy, adhering to the principle of "not oppression, not oppression of non-Russian peoples, but protecting the rights of the indigenous Russian population", which in fact often turned out to be a priority of the interests of Russians, regardless of their place of residence. Stolypin proposed a bill on the introduction of zemstvos in six western provinces (Minsk, Vitebsk, Mogilev, Kiev, Volyn, Podolsk), according to which the zemstvos were to become national Russian through elections through national curia. There. - S.357 - 358.

Stolypin's political line in relation to Finland, whose autonomy was infringed, is characteristic. A situation arose connected with the need to delineate the legislative powers of the center and the region due to the discrepancy between Finnish and all-Russian laws. Peter Arkadyevich insisted on the adoption of all-Russian laws, while at the Diet in Borgo in 1809, Alexander I granted an autonomous position to the Grand Duchy of Finland.

It should be noted that Stolypin never made statements that humiliated and insulted the national feelings of small peoples. By his deep convictions, he was a Russian patriot, he understood the need to develop national identity, dignity, and unity of the nation. Pyotr Arkadyevich's idea that "peoples sometimes forget about their national tasks is also very interesting; but such peoples perish, they turn into land, into fertilizer, on which other, stronger peoples grow and grow stronger." However, the policy pursued by him did not at all contribute to the resolution of the national question.

The last reform projects in his life were connected with the strengthening of finances by increasing direct and especially indirect taxes, raising the excise tax on alcoholic beverages, introducing a progressive tax and a turnover tax. For the first time, Stolypin raised the question of reforming industry - foreign loans were supposed to be used only for the exploration of the bowels of the earth, the construction of railways, and especially paved roads. The creation of seven new ministries was envisaged.

The political course outlined by Stolypin caused sharp criticism of him from both left and right political forces. Interestingly, his contemporaries tried to express his political creed in such mutually exclusive assessments as "conservative liberal" and "liberal conservative." In 1908, harsh criticism of the Chairman of the Council of Ministers began in the media. Conservatives accused him of indecision and inaction, liberals labeled him "all-Russian governor", accused him of "dictatorial tastes and habits", the socialist parties sharply criticized domestic politics, called him "chief hangman", "pogromist". There. - S.359-360

Stolypin's relations with the tsar deteriorated sharply at this time. Many historians believe that Nicholas II feared the usurpation of power by the prime minister. Indeed, Pyotr Arkadyevich allowed himself to have his own opinion even in those cases when it diverged from the position of the king. He could make impartial remarks to Nicholas II, for example, that the role of G. Rasputin at court should not be allowed to rise. Palace dignitaries weaved intrigues behind Stolypin's back, quarreling him with the empress, who believed that the tsar was in the shadow of an active prime minister. When Alexandra Fedorovna was informed that at dinner at Stolypin's wife the officers were armed, which was accepted only at the royal table, she said: "Well, there were two queens so far, now there will be three."

On September 1, 1911, during the stay of the royal family in Kyiv, Stolypin was mortally wounded in the building of the local opera house. The attempt was made by Dmitry Bogrov, the son of a local owner of a multi-storey building. There is still no consensus on the motives for Bogrov's crime. Some researchers believe that the murder of Stolypin was the work of the Okhrana, perhaps undertaken and not without the knowledge of the tsar; others - that, acting on the instructions of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, Bogrov managed to deceive the leadership of the Okhrana and from the hands of the head of the security department of Kulyabka receive invitation cards to almost all the places where the royal couple and Stolypin stayed; third, that Bogrov had purely personal reasons for this. In any case, the Socialist-Revolutionary Party declared its non-participation in this action.

September 5, 1911 Stolypin died. He was buried in the Kiev-Pechersk Lavra, because at one time he bequeathed to bury him where death would overtake him.